|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Apr 8, 2008 2:54:40 GMT -5
Thread Orientation: In this thread, I review and extract interesting pieces from a fascinating article written by Beatrice L. Goff, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1956, and entitled " The Rôle of Amulets in Mesopotamian Ritual Texts". The article is 39 pages, and in approaching her subject, the author give a broad overview of Mesopotamian Magic and Magical thinking, and its especially for the insightful examination and summary which I value this essay. I should be noted that Goff's sources especially now, can be considered dated, but her grasp of the subject matter seems admirable nontheless and I will sum as best I can below.
The Rôle of Amulets in Mesopotamian Ritual Texts by Beatrice L. GoffJournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes © 1956 Extracts : Modern Prejudice on Ancient Magic : Pg. 1 "There is a contradiction between the generally accepted view of the relation of religion and magic in Mesopotamia and the way in which that knowledge is commonly applied to the artifacts which come to light in excavations. It is widely recognized that throughoutMesopotamian history the ceremonies of the offciial cult as well as the domestic rites constatly used practices which might be called magical. At the same time, scholars are continually searching for expanations which reduce the element of magic in accounting for the artifacts which appear in excavations....The reason for this attitude among schoalrs appears to lie partly in the derogatory attitude towards magic which is customary to-day and partly in a failure to grasp the implications of the Weltanschauung of the people of ancient Mesopotamian, which differs markedly from our own." notes: (Goff:) For a discussion of the world view of the Sumerians, see H. and H.A Frankfort and others, The Intellectual Adventure of Man, Chicago 1946; also a review of this book by Kramer in JCS II, 1948, pp 39-70; and in a discussion between Kramer and Jacobsen in JNES , XII, 1953, pp. 160-88. Black Magic Pg. 1 "What we call "black magic" was distinguished from other religious ritual and condemned. We see such condemnation as early as the Code of Hammurabi and on through later codes of law. But "white magic" was accepted and practised by every level of the population and for both the individual and the community."
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Apr 27, 2008 23:25:53 GMT -5
Extracts Insight on Early Ritual texts/Incantations [italics used for emphises below I have added] Pgs. 2-4 - [Adam] Falkenstein believes that the earlier incantation texts originated in Sumerian times and continued in use until the Third Dynasty of Ur. Even at that early stage, however, they are not a product or popular religion, but are literary creations, entrusted to certain priests who know their proper use. - On pg. 3, Goff comments on -what we refer to as- TEXT 52, (see the Ur III Incantations Catalogue.) She describes TEXT 52 as: "[An] early text, to aid a man whose illness is in his head, calls upon Ashar-lu-dug?], the son of Enki. " Additionally, she refers to TEXT 67 commenting: "Brummer thinks that [it] was intended to cure not human illness, but a sick calf." -Two texts of note from UMBS 13- Goff next comments on two interesting texts from Leon Legrain's publication UMBS 13 (University Museum Publication of the Babylonian Section - this aged publication (1922) is now availble for free download here.) 1. We have noted on the Ur III Ritual and Ceremony the existance of the Ur III ritual tablet [ CBS 8241]; This unique tablet has most recently been explored by M. Dick's recent JNES article - it is impressive to see that Goff already recognized its important while writing in 1960. She comments about [ CBS 8241] saying: "While the other texts we have mentioned were concerned with rites and problems of individuals, this seems to be concerned with rites for the community. Yet we might just as easily apply the term "magical" to it. It is interesting that ritualistic objects find their place in this incanation, and they are the same as were common in early art. For example, there are trees and plants, which in art are the most common fertility symbol, here specifically reeds, the cypress, and cedar trees. Doves are fiven symbolic significance as "birds of destiny." Then we hear of sacred stones and figurines. To both the potent number seven is attached. "- Note: M. Dick's recent translation makes speculation about sacred stones here obsolete; however interesting is Goff's observation about correlations between ancient art and ritual items.. however, rather than fertility, these objects in the context of incantation have more to do with purification and more specifically divine mediation. She add's "The tamarisk and a ritual vase are brought into the domain of these charms in yet another early text reproduced by Lutz. " In this she refers to we call TEXT 54, which is named by incipit on the Ritual text [ CBS 8241] (for TEXT 54, see reply # 5 at Ur III Ritual and Ceremony) 2. A Minor Mystery: On Pg. 3, Goff refers to another text orignally published in Legrain 1922, specifically UMBS 13 33. She refers to this as "early." On referenceing Legrain's original publication, I have found the Museum Number, which is [ CBS 8235] (Also see Cdli P125414). As we can see, and despite being mislabeled as "administrative" , Cdli do confirm this tablet as being Ur III. The line art and Legrain's translation appear below: Translation:
God, god, god, god, god, god, god, Spirit, spirit, spirit, spirit, spirit, spirit, spirit; Divine lord, divine Enlil, Lord, divine Ea, brother (?) divine Utu, house... evil this urn .... he has obtained; dead spirit of the dead, hearken, the corpse, the water of Ea in the abysmal abode have covered it high. ...... out of bounds (?) shall not go (?)
Goff: "This is not a simple preparation of the deceased for living in a dreary Sheol, but it is intended to be something potent for handling the perplexing powers by whom the dead is surrounded, or perhaps for handling this now frightning spirit of the dead himself. " This incantation therefore is for the handling of the dead - the minor mystery is that I don't believe this incantation was catalogued by Cunningham in 1997 - at least not as an Ur III incantation in any case. Also I can't recall 7 word repetition as a feature in incantations this early, though I believe it present in later texts - So do we have an Ur III incantation here or not? Still to come: Pgs. 5 - 35 0_0
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 9, 2008 0:15:12 GMT -5
Extracts pg. 5 From Old Babylonian to First Millennium B.C"From the Old Babylonian Period a much larger number of ritual tests has been preserved, most of them found in Nippur. This period seems to have been the time when many incantations now embedded in the great series of the first millennium B.C. originated, for there are points of contact between the two. In the Old Babylonian Period, however, the ritual texts probably were in a state of flux. There are several instances where the same text occurs in different series. By the first millennium a normative sequence had been established for many of the incantations. The great series had been canonized. "Kar 44 Goff next discusses Kar 44, a unique text which lists the incantations that the mashmashu priest [the incantation specialist] was supposed to know. She comments this text further illustrates how incantations were used for both personal concerns and for community rites, as in early periods. Kar 44 dates to the 8th century and has sometimes been referred to as the 'Assyrian magicians Manuel' . For a translation of Kar 44, please refer to our sister ship, The Babylonian Magic Page - (thanks Ross!). Given the great variety of responsibilities the incantation titles suggest, from purifying the temple, to sanctifying the barnyard to protect animals from evil spirits, to preparation of sacred stones and drugs etc, Goff concludes the mashmashu was "a royal official, responsible for great ceremonials; but his concerns embraced all the activities of both the great state and individuals." see also Cdli P369026 pg. 6 Community rites: The Akitu festival is delt with at some length by the author, and she focuses on three principal sections of the ritual texts- The Third day: metalworkers. woodworkers and goldsmiths are assembled and given precise instructions for the fashioning of 2 images, one of cedar , one of tamarisk, 7 fingerlengths tall. They are to hold a snake and the other a scorpian...etc. The sixth day: Up until this day the figures stand in the temple receiving the same food as is placed before the gods - on this day however, the head is struck off the two images, and they are caste into the fire. Goff observes that this closely mirrors the making and destruction of figurines in the Maqlu ritual - while this occurrence in Akitu is at the community level, however, similar procedures in Maqlu the rites for the benefit of individuals. Day five: A day of purifications however it is noted " In this text "purifying" certainly does not have the usual significance of our English word. Water is only one of the means of "purifying" the temples. The drum is beaten. A censor and a torch are used. The doors are smeared with resin; and a ram is slaughtered. Also the text specifically says that incantations are recited for exorcising the temple. It seems clear that the incantations serve a purpose very similar to these other rites. The while process of "purification" is actually a process of exorcism. "Goff then goes in to a discussion of the kettle-drum and the ritual for covering this with the hide of a select bull. I have summed this and some correspondences in the incantation literature, at my facebook group here . Still to come - extracts from pages 10+
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 18, 2008 1:25:11 GMT -5
Extracts pg. 12 Maqlu, Shurpu and figurines (rituals for the benefit of individuals.) "Among the problems for which individuals turn to "magic," defence against enemies ranks high. The series Maqlu and Shurpu both are concenred with this problem, specifically when "black magic" is supposed to have been performed. Both names signify "Burnging" apparently because in the series the enemies and all petertaining to them are consigned to the fire. "Sum of the rites enacted during MaqluGoff explains that in Maqlu, the injured man thinks likenesses of himself have been made to harm him; his responce is in turn create figurines of those he believes responcible: "some of them are of men whom he know, but also he includes the gods who ar likely to b perpetrators of evil. The images are made of various sustances: copper, brone, dough, asphalt, grape-skins, clay, or clay overlaid with tallow, tamarisk and cedarwood, meal, and wax. To some of these he applies the torch and burns them. Othrs he lays before the deity, sometimes crossing them, thus acquiring power over them. One significance of the cross which is very common in prehistoric Mesopotamia thus becomes evident. Whether this crossing of these figurines refers to a mark inscribed on them or to the laying of one figurine across another, the potency of the form as a form become apparent. Sometimes he washes his hands over the images, or places a potent stone on their abdomen, or stikes them three times with a branch. At times he raises them aloft, first to the right, then to th eleft, recites an incantation, and throws them to the dogs. The injured man also fears that images of himself have been consigned to the power of some corpse, or buried in a wall, or ona doorsill, or in a gateway. or on a bridge where people might trample on them, or on a hole at a spring where people wash, or in the garden where gardeners dig. Or they might have been put where dogs, swine, birds, or evil spirits could eat them. "Plants and treesGoff: "Plants and trees, which seemed so commonplace in the art of all periods, [in incantation lore] emerged as highly popular "magical" insturments. We hear of the tamarisk, date palm, fir cones, branches of flowers, chicory, cypress, and a number of less clearly idenitifed varieties. A portion of the ninth tablet of Shurpu, translated by Clay, catchs the spirit with which these are used ":
O tamarisk, the divine dil tree of the plain! Thy branch (is) in the heaven, thy root (is) in the earth. Thy branch (is) in the heaven, O tree of redemption. Thy root (is) in the earth, O foundation of grace. Thy twig (is) of the gods Its branch (is) the ban, the ban of the libration house. The mouth of the man becomes clean, becomes pure. Let the evil tongue stand aside.
"Not only does this text show that such plants as were part of early designs were considered potent in the incantations ; here the potency is put into words. If we were to express thi fact in another way we might say that plants are here considered symbols, and their symbolix significance is verbalied.... Furthermore, contrary to what scholars usually expect when they deal with symbols, there is no concern here to enumerate the specific contributions which each plant is to make. In repeitions of reassuring words the distinctions between them fall away. By all of them a man is purified and "delivered out of all his troubles." " Above Goff has discussed some contact points between images of early designs and iconography and with the types of materia magica found on contemporary and later incantation. This is an interesting proposition in that Mesopotamian designs are thus potential infused with a symbolism and potency. Additionally, one should compare this view with more recent studies of the same plants, particularly tamarisk and reed, as for example G. Cunningham's 1997 work; here the tamarisk and reed, and others, are explained as "Divine Mediators" their role in incantation and ritual is to mediate between the mundane realm and the sick patient, and the divine realm and the beneficent gods. That are pure items and by virtue of that they purify.
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 18, 2008 12:44:16 GMT -5
- - - - - - - - - - Interlude - - - - - - - - - - - -Entering on Matiera Magica- I have been wanting for some time to hit on detailed information of the materia magica of Mesopotamia, that is, what object were imbued with special power in magic ritual, what objects of the natural enviroment thus had potency? And if possibly why. Goff does proceed to some extent to confront this subject Before I review the later part of the article, I've posted below some execellent notes that Ross (Bel Murru) posted on TOD a ways back. Which I dont think Ross minds me posting here (or will email me if he does.) Ross's reference's for Material Magica: "There seem to have been tables like this [that refer to Magical objct] at least by the early first millennium. The "Assyrian Magician's Manual", KAR 44, from before 800 b.c.e., lists 5 series of plant and mineral knowledge necessary for the magician. These were no doubt practical medical texts, not simply lexical texts. See line 26 at - www.angelfire.com/tx/tintirbabylon/kar44.html[note - we have refered to KAR 44 in this thread already, reply #2, pg. 6 ]Here is a translation of the full annotated version of the lines by Jean Bottero (I have changed the format slightly and expanded the abbreviations to make the bibliography clearer (note that $=sh)with his divisions, annotations and comments - Line 26 (reverse line 3 of KAR 44) - a. "The stone whose presentation (is such)" (NA4 GAR-$u2 : abnu $ikin-$u2) (and) b. "The plant whose presentation (is such)" (U2 GAR-$u2 : $ammû $ikin- $u2) [These] are the first lines of well-known treatises where stones, in one part, and plants in the other, are found enumerated and presented with their properties, in particular in the domains of pharmacy and exorcism (see the Annuaire 1973-1974 for their use to this end). [Here Ross explains to us that KAR 44, the 'Assyrial ritual guide', lists by incipit two particular texts "treatises" which enumerate plants and the other stones to do with magic - the materia magica of Mesopotamia. Below, Ross's reading also provides us with a list of modern scholarly works which sample from those treatises and translate some of those lists. ] We have some extracts from them: for the stones, see C.A.D. (Chicago Assyrian Dictionary), A/1, p. 55a and S.T.T. (Gurney and Finkelstein, "The Sultantepe Tablets" (1957/1964)), 108s; B.A.M. (Köcher, "Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen" (1963)), IV, 378, and J.C.S. (Journal of Cuneiform Studies), XXI, 1967, p. 151, no. 64; for the plants: K.A.D.P. (Köcher, "Keilschrifttexte zur assyrisch-babylonischen Drogen un Pflanzenkunde" (1965)), nos. 33s and p. 10, note on number 33; S.T.T., 93; B.A.M., IV, 327 and 379. c. "The stone tablets" (DUB NA4.ME$ : tuppât abnâti?) and d. "The plant tablets" (DUB.U2.HI.A : tuppât $ammê?) [I have above highlighted those articles which be more easyily obtainable. Next Ross explains that these works should be associated specially with the job of the exorcist. ]Rather than encyclopedic or philological lists of minerals and vegetables of the HAR-ra=hubullu XVI and XVII type (in M.S.L. (Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon), X, p. 1ff and 77ff.), there is reason to suppose that these two parallel works are catalogues aiming at practical use, and like the precedent, are to be used by the Exorcists in the exercise of their functions, such as those we find for example, for stones, in B.A.M. II, 183 23ff; 185 col. III's; compare also A.S. 16, p. 329ff; and, for plants, III, 254 (255 brings both together). (From Jean Bottéro, "Mythes et rites de Babylone", chapter III, "Le Manuel de l'Exorciste et son calendrier" (Paris, 1985) pp. 65-112). I should note that I haven't seen any of these texts, so I don't know if they are translated or not, or the extent of the discussion in them. Köcher's works look particularly relevant. There are also two older works by R. Campbell Thompson which I don't see referenced much - "A Dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry and Geology" (Oxford, 1936) and "A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany" (Oxford, 1949 (posthumous)). While out-of-date in many ways, there is still surely much to be gained from them (the first is xlviii-266 pages, the second 422 pages). The entry for carnelian (under "red stones") is three pages long, for instance. Although it is primarily a lexical and historical discussion, he touches on magical uses when they occur in the texts. Bel Murru "
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 18, 2008 16:03:13 GMT -5
C.A.D. (Chicago Assyrian Dictionary), A/1, p. 55 From the Above posts, Ross had mentioned for us the CAD entry under A/2, page 55. This is the entry for abnu, the Akkadian word for stone. Of interest to our examine of the material magica here, subjection occuring under the entry for abnu, that is "c) rferring to magic use, as charms. etc." In particular, I have typed the below the entry for c) 2' as charms: - (you take) the beads from the belt of a woman who does not give birth easily
NA 4,MEŠ MURUB 4.MEŠ ša sin= ništi la muštēširiti
KAR 223: 5. cf. šibbu NA 4.TU ša qableša CT 15 46: 64, also ibid 47 r 41 (SB, Descent of Ištar) you string these nine stones (previously enumerated, on several kinds of strings made of wool, sinews, etc.)9 NA 4.MEŠ annûti .... tašakkak
KAR 194:5; you make seven loops and tie seven knots between these stones and you recite the conjuration whenever you tie a knot.ina birīl NA 4.ME 7 lappī talappanp 7 riksī tarakkas ēma tarakkasu EN2 ... tamannu
BE 31 60 ii 15m cf. fifteen stones against paralysis of the right side15 NA 4.MEŠ šimmat ša A.15 ibid. line 28 beads (for the case) when a manès hands tremble.NA 4.MEŠ šumma amēlu qātāšu ira uba ibid, r. i 17 a stone (to be worn) for giving orders and being obeyed.NA 4 qabê u magāri (alallu-stone.)
Borger Esarh. 85:51, cf. stone for placeing locks upon tiamatNA 4 nadê ḫargullḫī şēriš tâmtim for charms to be worn against diseases, see ašu, garābu, išātu, martu, rēmu, sikkatu; for easy childbirth, etc. see alādu, dā iku, erû v., ittamir, šupšuqta; for other charms, see lamassu, râmu, şalty, zīru A s.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - END INTERLUDE - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 18, 2008 19:13:16 GMT -5
Extracts pg. 17 Goff: " Just as in the series Maqlu, s also in ritual concerned with Lamashtu, "magical" stones were important. We are not yet sure what kind of stones are meant by the different words used, R. Campbell Thompson has moved us forward by his studies 10. An example of the use of such stones and also of "magical" knots is found in an incantation to aid a pregnant woman, translated by Thereau-Dangin, of which I quote in part:
Stones of white KA you will string on a band of white wool, pusikki, Five fingers between them you will attach; a cylinder seal of ḫaltu stone, a cylinder seal of šubû stone, šû stones male and female at her neck you will place; A šubû stone of the right to her right hand you will attach ; a šubû stone of the left to her left hand you will attach ; A "date stone," a SAB stone, a mûşu stone, an ašgugu stone to her waist you will attach; a nibu stone, a ḫulálu stone to her right foot, A carnelian stone, a stone of lapis-lazuli, to her left foot, these two stones ona cord Of blue wool you will string; in wrappings of red wool you will surround them ; amid the stones of the hands and feet a .... you will make. (Such is) the binding (to preserve) a pregnant woman from losing her fruit. Example of .....
10. R. Campbell Thompson, A dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry and Geology, Oxford, 1936. Idem, On the Chemestry of the Ancient Assyrians, London, 1925.
Goff nexts provides us with a precription against the hand of a ghost, adding that from passages such as the below, "one gathers that the salt and plants are regarded in the same way as the "magical" shu-stone.
If a ghost seizes on a man, mil u-salt, white mil u-salt, black mil u-salt, magnetic iron ore, male suphate of iron, šû-stone, Asa (dulcis), akuşimanu - plant, seed of tamarisk, EL.KUL.LA-plabt, MUH.KUL.LA-plant, fennel-root in rfined oil and cedar-blood though shalt mix, anoint him, and the hand of the ghost shall be removed.
pg 18
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 26, 2008 1:03:52 GMT -5
Extracts p. 23 - brief note on Stones Goff: " For those who would investigate more throughly the use of "magical" stones in ancient Mesopotamia, the series Lugal-e ud Me-lam-bi Nir-gál is important. 6 The purpose of the series is not yet fully understood. It consists partly of hymns to the god Ninurta, partly of epic material, and in the ninth tablet probably of a description of a ritual procession. In the tenth tablet begins an extensive section "establishing the fates" of the twenty-six different "magical" stones. Some, like Shammu, the shu , and the kashurra stones are considered unlucky. Other, like the dushu, hulalu, santu, and uknu (lapis lazuli), are lucky. It is interesting to observe how these stones were considered in this text, but this text is not necessarily determinative for the way in which they were viewed at other times. Symbols are ambivalent. If the shu stone was thought to be unlucky at times, we have only to recall such a text as Thureau-Dangin gave us to know that at other times it was lucky."
6. Samuel Geller, Die Sumerish-Assyrische Scrie: Lugal-e ud Me-lam-bi Nir-gál (Alt-orientalische Texte und Untersuchungen, I, 4, ed. by Bruno Meissner) Leiden, 1917, pp. 255-361.
Note: The series described above sounds in many ways reflective of the Sumerian myth known as The Exploits of Ninurta particularly so far as an hymns to Ninurta and epic portion, and the name of the fates of stones afterward.
|
|
|
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Jun 5, 2008 17:28:55 GMT -5
Brief note on ANE progress in Magico-Medicinal Plants (as to were) [/color][/center] I've referenced Robert D. Biggs and his article Medicine, Surgery, and Public Health in Ancient Mesopotamia (CANE 3, pg. 1915). Within is a brief explanation entitled "Identifying Ancient Prescription Plants" (most likely used in both magic and medicinal traditions.) Biggs tells us:
It is difficult to determine what specific plants and minerals were used. The common materials and some plant, especially those cultivated as food crops, can be identified reliably. It must be stated frankly that most of the plants listed in prescriptions cannot be identified plausibly and that, therefore, we are not in a position to reproduce most of the prescriptions we have or to understand the effects of specific medications. This is a very serious lack in our understanding of Babylonian medicine and is one that cannot be overcome when studying ancient traditional society. Many identifications of plants were proposed by Reginald Campbell Thompson (see bibliography). He had a certain advantage in being familiar with uses of plants (particularly in northern Iraq) in local folk medicine, but a number of his identifications depended on dubious etymologies. In theory, the study of carbonized seeds from archaeological sites and the study of ancient pollen should help to identify the plants that actually grew in ancient Mesopotamia. So far, the information available is too little to be of major value in identifying medicinal plants, and the problem would still remain of associating plant remains with the names of plants found in the texts. Some progress in this direction may come from articles appearing in the journal Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture..
This journal effort, the Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture, I believe is hosted by the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at Cambridge, England (Formerly the Faculty of Oriental Studies.). Will have to attempt some in roads to the source as it has been over 10 years now since it began..
|
|
|
Post by oipteaapdoce on Nov 20, 2008 2:06:42 GMT -5
-Two texts of note from UMBS 13- Goff next comments on two interesting texts from Leon Legrain's publication UMBS 13 (University Museum Publication of the Babylonian Section - this aged publication (1922) is now availble for free download here.) They went and moved it over to here
|
|