BAL.BAL.E and Love and Erotica (oh my.)

[us4-he2-gal2]

Thread Orientation: On this thread we can consider the subjects of Sumerian, and to a lesser degree, Mesopotamian Love poetry, incantation, and related material. This may also mix with the subject of erotica as there seems little distance between the two in these contexts.

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Below, I've started the topic with some proverbs (previously noted on my facebook group.) They have to do with heartache.

On Heart-Ache: For all that Marriage was I believe, standardly pre-arranged and at a relatively young age, these proverbs indicate the Sumerians were intimately experienced with the difficulty of heart-ache and of course divorce was practiced. Reading between the lines of the below, it would seem that a sort of Stoicism was the admired way of coping with heartache, at least in the case of the man, yet while some proverbs express the assertion that grief was to be quickly overcome, other proverbs seem to come from an 'overflowing' heart.





(Referrencing etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-bin/etcsl.cgi?text=c.6.1*#
and etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-bin/etcsl.cgi?text=c.6.2*#)

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1.96

57-58. (cf. 6.1.22: ll. 201-202) When the heart overflows,
it is lamentable. {He who can keep it in his heart is a prince.}
{(1 ms. has instead:) I am a prince who can keep it in the
heart.}


1.105

71-72. A heart never created hatred; speech created hatred.


Proverbs: collection 1: c.6.1.01
Who can reveal the heart that is ……
made for me?


Proverbs: collection 2 + 6: c.6.1.02
I have found it -- a cause for celebration! I have lost it
-- my heart does not ache!


Proverbs: collection 3: c.6.1.03
My fingernail that hurts is clutched in my embrace. My
foot that hurts is in my sandal. But who will find my
aching heart?


Proverbs: collection 3: c.6.1.03
May Inana pour oil on my heart that aches.


Proverbs: collection 22: c.6.1.22
(cf. 5.6.1: ll. 196-198)The heart does not let go of the
good; but the heart cannot let go of the evil either.
As if it were a fertile spot, the heart does not abandon
the good.

Proverbs: from Urim: c.6.2.3
That which matches my tears hurts my heart alike. It
is said that rushes …… in the house.

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[us4-he2-gal2]

A Basic outline of love and love poetry in Sumer

From Joan Goodnick Westonholz in here 1996 CANE IV article (Love Lyrics from the Ancient Neat East), we get the following basic descriptions:


Love in the ANE

"In the Ancient Near East, love was more than a passing emotion individuals felt for each other; it was not divided between the sacred and the profane, human and divine, emotional and physical. Love engulfed men and women, gods and worshipers, rulers an ruled, parents and children.
Further, love, the emotion, and sexuality, the physical attraction, that occur between two individuals (gender distinction not being particularly important) were not perceived as separate forces. In our own rhetoric we tend to value emotional love as nobler than physical sex. In antiquity, these two aspects of human attachment were deemed reflexes of the same relationship. For the ancients the love metaphor remained physical, whether it reflected a love that was not sexual (parents and children) or sex that was not loving (rape). Thus, the mystical union between humans and deities could be depicted symbolically as a "sacred marriage" or evoked lyrically in the Song of Songs. Accordingly, the love poetry of the ancient Near East encompasses explicit references of an erotic character both in texts used for divine liturgy and as worldly entertainment. Rich imagery with its joyous portrayal of sexuality permeated poetry and myth and found expression in statuary and reliefs."





Sumerian word for love

Westonholz: " The Sumerian word "love" KI.ÁG, may have developed from a quantifying outlook of the universe, if the etymology "to measure (ÁG) the place (KI)" is at all correct. The object of such a love can either be someone (construed in the dative) or something (construed in the locative or locativeterminative.) Both persons and abstractions can be the recipients of KI.ÁG: "When she loved her city, she hated me,... when she loved me, she hated her city."; "I love justice, I do not love injustice."




Sumerian love poetry

The author tells use there are three main categories of Sumerian love poetry:


(1) deities assume the role of lovers

(2) individual Sumerian kings are praised as they unite with their consorts or with the goddess Inanna

(3) lovers [who] are not gods or kings


Westonholz (on the first category) : "Most Sumerian poetry is of the first category, telling of the love between Dumuzi and Inanna*, although we know from the cylinders of Gudea of a marriage ceremony for Ningirsu and Bau**, the gods of the city of Lagash (modern al-Hiba). The cycle of texts includes various stories of Dumuzi's courtship of Inanna, preparations for the wedding, and the wedding itself....The passion for love as well as the joy its consummation achieved were deemed attributes of Inanna (or of her Akkadian counterpart, Ishtar). Accordingly, any manifestation of love betrayed her presence and activity."

*See ETCSL series 4.08, Inanna/Dumuzi

**See t.2.1.7, The Building of Ningirsu's Temple l. 920-238



(on the second category): "The second category, hymns and praise of god and king, forms another large percentage of Sumerian literature. The love songs, in which the object of love is a king, are common, but they are most plentiful when addressing the fourth king of the Third Dynasty of Ur, the deified Shu-Sin. * In this case, these songs were written by the wife of his body and the votary of his divinity, Kubatum. They were composed in two modes of discourse- as monologues and dialogues. The motifs are the king's beauty and his virile prowess.
The love lyrics extolling the king and Inanna are embedded in "sacred marriage" texts such as the Iddin-Dagan hymn** which describes the mystical union of king and goddess as a festive occasion during the New Year's holiday; to renew the harmony of the world, to determine the fates of the king, the people, and the land for the coming year."

* See ETCSL series 2.4.4, Šu-Suen

** See ETCSL series 2.5.3, Iddin-dagon


(on the third category): "The third category, much rarer than the literature described above, consists of those poems where love does not refer to gods or kings but to passions between ordinary human beings. Further, the vocabulary and phrases of love lyrics are also incorporated into other pieces of literature. An example of the latter is the "Message of Ludingira to His Mother," * in which the beloved mother's anatomy is described in highly erotic language."


* See 5.5.1, Message of Ludingira to His Mother




ON CLASSIFICATION

Westonholz: "The native classification for all three categories of texts is BAL.BAL.E, apparently denoting a dialogue or duet. Other designations, such as "composition for a TIGI(harp)" or "for a KUN.GAR instrument," also exist. On occasion, the narrator provides the transition between the section with different labels and indicates a change of speaker, but this not a common occurrence. The structure of the majority of the poems is narrative, having a beginning, a climax, and a denouement."

[us4-he2-gal2]

\

The Language of Love

(Sumerian Sexual Metaphor)

As one reads through the Sumerian Love poetry and related literature, it becomes immediately apparent that a very stylized set of metaphorical terminology is employed; if it doesn't become apparent, yes... Your probably going to think they really are doing some gardening 0_0

As J. Westonholz comments in her CANE IV article "Love imagery reaches for diverse effects: it conjures up an enchanting atmosphere and portrays specific objects as well" and "physical imagery is taken from the natural world." To help decode the Sumerian language of love, I have taken the following notes from Westonholz and Leick.





First, here is an example text containing sexual metaphor; the version given belowi is Jacobsen's 1987 translation, (althought the ETCSL translation differs drastically, see The song of lettuce, t.4.08.05)

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Vigorously he sprouted, vigorously he sprouted and sprouted, water it - it being lettuce!*
In his black garden of the desert bearing much yield did my
darling of his mother,
My barley stalk full of allure in its furrow, water it - it being
lettuce,
Did my one - a very apple tree bearing fruit at the top - water
it - it being a garden!
The honey-sweet man, the honey-sweet man, was doing sweet
(things) to me!
My lord, the honey-sweet man, the godly one, my darling of
his mother,
His hands honey sweet, his feet honeying, was doing sweet
(things) to me!
His limbs being sweet his feet honeying, was doing sweet
(things) to me!
His limbs being sweet, sweet honey, he was doing sweet things
to me!

O my one who of a sudden was doing sweet (things) to the
whole (insides up) to the navel, my darling of his mother,
My desert-honey loins, darling of his mother, you watered it -
it being lettuce! (Leick 1994, pg. 122).

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* Note: Though preferring Jacobsen's translation over others, Leick disagrees that the first lines should use the third person masculine...so that is to say, she doesn't think they should read "he", she prefers the first line to be translated "It sprouts, It sprouts, it is the lettuce he watered." Thus the lettuce here is the female not the male genitalia.



Why Sexual metaphor in the Love Poetry?


Leick has placed the body of love poetry as originating in the Ur and Isin courts, and states "the courts at Ur and Isin were much given to flaunting their cultural sophistication, and in these circumstances it is not altogether surprising to find a highly developed aesthetics of eroticism, which is at odds with the straightforward treatment of sexuality in the myths." The sexual metaphors of love poetry are therefore, a more courtly, poetic and sophisticated dealing with the subject of erotica then is elsewhere in Sumerian literature.. Below are some explanations:

My brother, my sister

"terms of endearment were, "brother" and "sister," were used among lovers without implying actual kinship: "With arousing glances, I shall induce the brother to enter, I shall make Shu-Sin- all ready- reveal himself a lusty man"" (Westonholz, CANE IV)

Garden

" The garden can be a real garden, a favorite place for amorous trysts. We must also bear in mind that the garden, has a special significance in an arid country. In ancient Mesopotamia, as in the Middle East today, these enclaves of lush vegetation, profuse growth, coolness and shade form a tangible contrast to the heat and dust of city streets. There were groves of trees and shrubs attached to temples as well as private homes and palaces...in poetry the desire to enter the garden also means a desire for sensual pleasure. We have already noted how the language of love is deeply imbued with vegital imagery. The fruits of the garden are full of voluptuousness. The lovers desire for each others 'fruit', and we shall see that the females genitals are likened to the garden, the male member to apple trees." (Leick 1994, pg. 73)

Apple-trees

Leick doesn't seem to detail this one, though Westonholz mentions: "Physical imagery is taken from the natural world. Metaphors such as apple tree and the pillar of alabaster symbolize the male member. The apple tree may rise in a garden or a pillar of alabaster may stand in dark lapis lazuli stone." (Westonholz CANE IV, pg. 2474)

Lettuce

"The lettuce, mentioned in these texts (he-is^sar hassu) is probably Lactuta sativa... In Sumerian texts it is generally associated with the female organ.. Jacobson thought it represented the pubic hair. Maybe the visual aspect is less important here, although the overlapping leaves and their texture, as well as milky or clear sap, are quite evocative, Lettuces and similar fast growing vegetables, like cucumbers and melons, all of which were grown in Mesopotamian gardens, require frequent watering. I imagine that this association with water might also have contributed to the metaphorical range: the vulva, like lettuce, is said to need the "watering". " (Leick 1994, page 123).

Honey

"We have seen that làl ('honey') is frequently used to describe sensual pleasure. The expression 'to taste the honey-plant' was a common euphemism for intercourse. Here the lover is equated with the sensation he brings - his very limbs are 'honey', they 'bring sweetness', orgasmic enjoyment. The metaphor extends from activity ('to do the sweet thing') and personal attributes ('whose limbs are honey') to the location... This 'honey' was date-syrup rather than the bees' product. (Leick 1994, pg. 124)

[us4-he2-gal2]

Love Poetry/ the Bridal Songs

(Category 1: deities assume the role of lovers)

ETCSL series 4.08, Inanna/Dumuzi


G. Leick in her 1994 Sex and Eroticism in Sumerian Literature provides us with some commentary on this genre of texts, specifically those in which Inanna and Dumuzi are engaged in a courtship. She first observes that the exacts of Sumerian marriage rites continue to be little understood, although its generally known that girls were married young and could be betrothed or contractually married even earlier. An issue with the Bridal Songs (see ETCSL link above) as a basis for understanding actual marriage rites is that "we do not know whether these songs reflect or describe current or common practice, or whether they are special, as befitting a goddess."

The basic procedure of the wedding-day rite is sketched as follows:

Leick: " The groom, accompanied by male friends, comes to the house of the bride's parents, bringing gifts. The bride meanwhile is dressed by her female friends and relatives, having bathed and scented herself beforehand. She puts on all her jewelery and awaits her groom. In the songs she welcomes him with phrases such as 'He is the man of my heart', which may constitute her official acceptance of his suit. There is no mention of veiling, or any further ritual...... Although the sexual union of the young couple is an important event of the birth of the first child, but primarily with the preparation for and the anticipation of the new status. They concern the liminal period, up to the point where groom and bride meet on the threshold of the bride's new home. It is for this reason that the term bridal songs appears more appropriate than Wedding Songs."

Leick observes that a major theme in the Bridal Songs is the girl's emotional state, expressing how she longs for her lover and desires to be with him, and they may have served to "alleviate feelings of ambivalence and anxiety on the part of the bride." Leick is inclined to understand these songs as possibly having a early folkloristic precedent, as she explains (despite being a literary product) "they might well have an origin in traditional songs that accompanied the various stages of the rite de passage which are wedding entails."


At this point it is worth pointing out the Sumerian literary piece named Enlil and Sud, Etcsl t.1.2.2. This text. though not a Bridal poem, deals with the courtship and marriage of Enlil and his wife Sud (Ninlil), and it precisely share the nature of the Bridal Poem - in fact, Leick comments that "Courtship of Inanna and Dumuzi is essentially like that of Enlil and Sud" (p.68).





Comments on some of the Texts:



Referring to A tigi to Inana, t.4.08.8 (Jacobsen 1987, 'the Wiles of Women')


Leick: "The strong erotic element in this text seems to substantiate the idea that the main voice her is female. The unusual eloquence of the male partner and the content of his seduction speech, which promises exactly what the girl expects, contradicts the usual brusqueness of the man in similar situations described in the myths. "

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Referring to A balbale to Inana, t.4.08.4. Because Leick basis her comments on an alternative translation given in Alster 1993, I quote this version below:

The brother makes me enter his house:
He made me lie on a honey-smelling bed,
After my precious, dear one, had lain by my heard,
One-by-one, making "tongues", one by one,
My brother of the fairest face made fifty.
He became (?) like a silenced man
With an 'earthquake' he was put to silence.
My brother, with a hand put on his waist,
My precious, sweet one, the time passes!
(Lover:) Se me free, my sister, set me free!
Come, my beloved sister, let us go to the palace (var. to our house)!
May you be a little daughter in my father's eyes!"

Leick gives the Sumerian of one of the lines in part because of its 'delightful resonances':

dili-dili-ta eme-ak dili-dili-ta
One by one - making tongues - one by one

"eme-ak ("tongue making") usually implies speaking, chatting (the proverbial 'sweet nothings'?). But it could also have, as Alster duly noted, a double meaning, and imply lovemaking. The following lines speak in favor of a sexual meaning, as the 'brother' is silenced by an 'earthquake' - surely a reference to an orgasm - although Inanna is willing to continue this form of passing time. Again the scenario is one of pre-martial love making, with the man expressing his desire to formulate their sexual union, since the last line explicitly says that a girl should become a daughter-in-law to his father. The text is imbued with a sense of irony, that the inexperienced ki-sikil is well able to exhaust the ardour of her lover, even rather overtaking his virility."

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Another text Leick deals with is known among Assyriologists as the " Manchester Tammuz", though I am unable to find a version at the ETCSL. Some of the lines from this read:

"He who made the šuba stones, he who made the šuba-stones, he shall plough the šuba-stones!
Inanna, stretching from the wall, stretching from the wall, his spouse, the nu-gig, speaks ti Amaušumgalanna..""


We have some similar text dealing with šuba stones in ETCSL text t.4.08.09. Leick comments:

"The reference to šuba-stones occurs in several other texts, often in connection with the term nu-gig. It probably denotes a specific ornament worn by women who bore the title (so Jacobsen 1987a: 6). The link with the verb 'to plough' suggests a sexual meaning, but the reason for this remains enigmatic (Alster 1933: 18). But juxtaposition of the latter passage about Inanna receiving šuba-stones (we know that her statues were decorated with jewels and precious stones), to gave them 'ploughed' by Dumuzi, and the preceding courtship scenario, may well fit an actual ritual investiture or initiation of nu-gig, choreographed like a wedding."

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Finally we come to A song of Inanna and Dumuzid, t.4.08.29, and in this text Leick comments particularly on what appears as "segment B" at etcsl.

Firstly, in lines B, 1-11, we have what seems very much a rite of passage with lines that read like "His father too will …… just like your father!" . Leick states: "Her words mark the transitional stage in the wedding ceremony, where her alliance shifts from her father's family to that of her husband." Following this are lines in which Inanna is prepared (bathed, clothed etc.) finally she came forth to him "like a moonbeam" - there follow prayers to personal gods, ritual and Dumuzi speaks to her promising she will be treated well, nor will she have to do spinning, weaving and cooking ("obviously Inanna is exempt from the usual difficult position the new bride finds herself in, [in] her in-laws' household.")

Secondly, Leick observes "this last text seems the most genuinely traditional Bridal Song, in spite of the fact that Inanna the goddess is the main protagonist. It dwells on the psychologically difficult transition of the bride from her parents' home to that of her groom's family, but she is assured she will be treated well."

[sheshki]

[phaewryn]

Ah, thank you for the entertaining newsletter with the link to this forum. I admit to having not actually had a chance to get back here since first joining. I have nothing of historical value to add, but was amused by the fact that, for the week or so previous, I, myself, had been spouting forth poetic references of a sexual nature using gardening/planting metaphor. It must be that time of year (the object of these references agrees). I will share:

"Your husk, he is not. Do not lament for the fruits of the man, if you are unwilling to sow the seed. The earth is as deep as the man is vast, and he must root in fertile soil to flourish."

Then, this one to the man himself, about a week ago:

"Ground in me, let your spirit root within the soils of my womb."

Anyways, just wanted to not be one of the ones deleted for lack of participation. :-)

[sheshki]

UR EXCAVATIONS
VOLUME III
ARCHAIC
SEAL-IMPRESSIONS
By
DR. L. LEGRAIN
With AN INTRODUCTORY NOTE by
SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, D.LITT.
PUBLISHED FOR
THE TRUSTEES OF THE TWO MUSEUMS
BY THE AID OF A GRANT FROM
THE CARNEGIE CORPORATION OF NEW YORK
I936

in this pdf, i think its available at abzu, i found the following seal impressions

and i found this, which reminds me somehow of american money, but thats off topic...i know i know

[us4-he2-gal2]

Phaewryn:

Hey no worries, you posted an intro! ;] Yes thats a good little addition that poem - more horticultural-sexual musings are always a good thing



Sheshki:

You naughty naughty man 0_0 These are wonderful picture additions! For any who aren't sure, these are seals from from Ur dated between the Early dynastic and Ur III periods. The images we look at are actually Archaeologists drawings of impressions of the actual seals which at one time physically existed. The seals were used on for example, ancient bottle 'caps', they would mark a product as derviving from this or that locality or producer, and add authenticity to the product in very loosly the way a label may distinguish a modern liqour product.
The seals therefore are decrotive, possesing of Sumerian artistry, but also functional. For more, refer to Leon Legrains Archaic Seal Impressions.


Images 1 and 3: If we look at the 1st and 3rd seal impression that Sheshki has posted we see that in both, there is a sex scene in which the hair of the women is held by an attendant. In the first image there is a musician playing. (As Sheshki and I were talking about) This seems almost suggestive of a ceremony of sorts and we may try and compare this scene to literary scenes of ritualized sex, perhaps the sacred marriage. On the third image there are symbols of the crescent and possibly a sun or venus symbol.

Image 2: Very interesting. Here we have a women between the 2 ring-posts, that is the symbol of the storehouse and Inanna in the early religion (refer her to Jacobsen, Treasure of Darkness.) Above the women is Rossette, often a symbol of Inanna. On the 'roof' (?) a couple are engaged in a sexual act, which is suggestive of the Mesopotamian practice of sleeping on the roof during hot months, perhaps it is evening and Venus is visable..?

Note also the precense in image 1 and 2 of a circular object near the top right. In image 2 there is a rope going threw the centre and it gives the impression of a amulet to be worn around the neck, however this is not entirely determinable here..

[us4-he2-gal2]

Love Poetry/ Ur III & Isin Kings with Inanna

(Category 2: individual Sumerian kings are praised as they unite with their consorts or with the goddess Inanna)

(for explanation of categories, see above post #2)

This genre of Sumerian love poetry has to do with the poetic affair of Kings with Inanna. Leick tells us that unlike the Bridal songs, where Inanna appears as a bashful maiden, she is in these poems depicted as a goddess of love who invites the king into her sacred bed with evident intention. Leick continues..


Comments on texts

Referring to A praise poem of Šulgi t.2.4.2.24

"The first king to be associated with Inanna in this manner [in this poetic genre] was Šulgi, second king of the third dynasty of Ur. One hymn describes him touring the major temples of the realm to offer sacrifices and receive blessings of each deity in turn...[in Uruk] when Inanna beheld him she breaks in to a long chant.. the first twenty-five lines of Inanna's song (lines 14-38) are taken up with the sensuous recollections of erotic encounters with 'the Shepherd Dumuzi' i.e Šulgi."

Leick prefers the translation of lines 14-25 given by Klein, and interprets these lines as implying that since Šulgi has proven himself in bed with Inanna, and as satisfied her, he receives her blessing and she decrees a favorable destiny for him. Klein's transition of lines 14-35 read:

[Inanna:] Since by his fair hands, my loins were pressed,
Since the lord, the one lying down by holy Inanna,
The Shepherd Dumuzi,like his
In (his) lap smothered me with milk
Since in my... pure arms ..he relaxed,
Since like choice... (and) choice beer,
.... he touched.
[since] the hair (of) my... he played,
Since on my pure vulva he laid his hands,
Since in the .. of my sweet womb he laid down,
Since like his "black boat" he ...
Since like his "black bulge", he ..
Since on the bed he spoke pleasant (words),
I (also) will speak pleasant (words) to my lord,
A good fate I will decree for him!

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A hymn to Inana from Isme-Dagan (ETCSL ?)

Leick describes a text that I am not able locate at ETCSL, this is a love poem of Isme-Dagan (A ruler in Isin 1953-1935 BC), this king "was a great admirer of the Ur III kings, and especially of Šulgi. The text in question is short, but a translation is given of the relevant part:

The day is named, the day is fixed, the day the lord arouses
the woman.
Give life to the lord! Give the lord the staff and crook!
She demands it, she demands it, she demands the bed,
The bed that rejoices the heart,
She demands it, she demands the bed;
The bed that makes the embrace delicious, she demands,
It, she demands the bed,
She demands the bed of kingship, she demands it; She
Demands the bed of queenship, she demands it;
By him (making it) delicious, by him (making it)
Delicious, by the delicious bed;
By the bed that makes the embrace delicious, by him
(making it delicious); by his delicious bed of the delicious
embrace'

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A šir-namursaĝa to Ninsiana for Iddin-Dagan, t.2.5.3.1

In the above composition, t.2.5.3.1, the author describes the long festival proceedings to Ninisina which are described in the text (Ninisina, the goddess of the city Isin, is identified entirely with Inanna here.) The text culminates with the ritualized lovemaking of Inanna and the king (Iddin-dagan) - (see lines 181-194 at the above url.)

About this love scene, Leick states that the ceremonial relationship between Inanna and the king is emphasized by this text which places the sexual encounter at the end of an elaborate public festival. However she calls in to question Kramer's interpretation of this and similar narratives; that they should be understood as the martial union of Inanna (as fertility goddess) and the King (as Dumuzi) to ensure the prosperity of the coming year...

Arguement for the category 2 love poetry as continuing an ancient Literary trend over the 'sacred marrage' interpretation

Leick instead observes that the litrary relationship between kings and the divine had from the Early Dynastic period onward been characterized by relationships such as (in some cases): the metaphorical Parent relationship (kings claiming descent from x), or sibling relationships, or friend relationships. However a change is apparent from the Ur III to Isin dynasties as we are told "the possibility of erotic love as part of the mythology of kingship was only pursued during these two hundred years.". (This should perhaps be amended to within the hymn literature, as epic literature such as Enmerker and the Lord of Aratta contain royal boasts of bedding Inanna)

Getting back to the case of the category 2 Love poems which date from the Ur III to Isin periods, and in which the king has these erotic exchanges with Inanna, Leick recalls that the king is addressed by the name "Dumuzi". Dumuzi is an enigmatic character throughout Sumerian literature and appears alternatively as a mortal king (such as on the Sumerian king list) or elsewhere as a divinity in his own right (such as in the Bridal Hymns (category 1.)) Leick notes an interesting line in one text dealing with Dumuzi's death. On being pursued by demons, he implores Old Woman Belili to give him refuge:

Old woman! I am not (just) a man, I am the husband of a goddess!

In the epic narratives surrounding the Kings of ancient Uruk, such as Enmerker and the Lord of Aratta, the kings demonstrate an erotic relation with Inanna, and this deity was the patron goddess of both Uruk and Aratta. As to how this impacts on the later relations in Ur III/Isin love poetry, Leick explains "In the context of the royal hymns of the Ur III/Isin period, where the affinity to the ancient lords of Uruk was a well-known topic, the kings of Ur might have been seen as continuing the privileged association which the kings of Uruk were having with Inanna." Further, Dumuzi we have to recall was in one tradition, and according to the Kinglist, and early king of Uruk; "In the royal hymns, the assumed erotic relationship that the en of Uruk had with the city-goddess Inanna became fused with her traditional association with Dumuzi, who in turn was know as a king of Uruk and proverbial lover of the goddess."

The author concludes: "[this] revivalist interest in the Early Dynastic culture of Uruk may have led to the emphasis on the relationship between Inanna and the en of Uruk. But whether as en of Uruk, or as the 'shepherd Dumuzi', Inanna's lover in the Bridal Songs, or both, the important fact remains that the king is relating to Inanna in a way that is appropriate to the goddess, i.e sexually."


Further texts of Relevance:

Ur III:


- A balbale to Inana for Šu-Suen t.2.4.4.2


- A balbale to Inana for Šu-Suen t.2.4.4.3



Isin:


A love song of Išme-Dagan t.2.5.4.10

A hymn to Inana for Išme-Dagan t.2.5.3.4.11p


A tigi to Nanaya for Išbi-Erra t.2.5.1.3


A praise poem of Enlil-bāni t.2.5.8.1

[us4-he2-gal2]

To keep the Bal.bal.e chat thread going, I have transfered the conversation on Homosexual Mesopotamia to that thread. (Was Enkidu really up to something - place your bets now! 0_0)


Also I have added a small note on the Mesopotamian Sexuality thread again - admittedly one of my least favorite topics.

[us4-he2-gal2]

Love Magic

In a special chapter 'Love Magic and Potency Incantations' Leick deals with a peculiar aspect of Mesopotamian magic, which at the same time has ties to Literary erotica. I have made a brief extract of this in an earlier Enenuru periodical, but because the chapter is so well written and is a rare source, I will try and capture the gist of it below in more detail.

Leick starts with the fundamental observation of Mesopotamian magic as being essentially the prerogative of the professional class, a class of specially trained exorcists whose work can be loosely termed white magic - however scattered indications exist that there was also a folk magic that was practiced to include types of 'black magic' (as noted elsewhere, the lack of textual evidence for all but the professional class of magicians is understandable - the scribes were in the employ of the palace or the temple.) Leick establishes context for these incantations in a throughly convincing manner, stating that the purpose of the love incantations was not therapeutic of apotropaic (white magic), rather:

"[it] is a special case...its purpose is, on the contrary, more like that of 'black magic', to gain power over another person, to force him, or her, to do what one desired. Again, there is a wide range of practices, from folk superstitions, to sympathetic magic, spells, the use of aphrodisiac potions, to full-blown rituals administered by the specialist...Within the category of mantic literature, these texts are sometimes distinguished by their poetic references; some were copied as part of scribal education. No doubt the existing love poetry, with its established themes (such as the affairs of Inanna and Dumuzi), provided a frame of reference which the magician alluded to. Inanna/Ishtar was furthermore, a powerful deity whose collaboration in the matter was of vital importance."

Another impotent descriptive comment reads: "..the incantation specialist was presumably familiar with the general literary tradition, as certain standard phrases and metaphors suggest. The love incantations, despite their practical mantic purpose, are in part of the literature of love. They have the advantage that here a much wider emotional perspective could be used, dictated by real individual necessity. The psychological insight of the love incantations has, to my knowledge, no parallels in either the divine love-songs, the ballads, and the narratives.

Finally we read: "Most of the love incantations address a women; the male as a target is comparatively rare. This situation contrasts with the courtly love-songs, where the women addresses the man and invites him to make love to her. The magical texts never refer to the social context of the protagonists. They seem to operate in an undefined 'realm of passion', a social vacuum, where only love and desire count. The explicit aim is physical and emotional satisfaction, not marriage or betrothal, not even any form of material reward. Nor is there any hint of social disapproval, secrecy, or the very real dangers from adulterous affairs. The force of the erotic attraction makes these considerations irrelevant for the lover, and the power of his magic compels his 'victim' to do likewise. The terminology of the spell is often the same as that addressing witchs or spirits, the 'beloved' is 'seized' and 'held'. In this context, passion results from magic enchantment."




Textual Examples



Akkadian love incantation:

For the earliest love incantation yet recovered, (Akkadian, approx 2400 B.C>) we can refer to the Sargon Incantations thread. Here the translations from Leick's book have already been given (see reply #1).

Commentary: About the first three lines of the Akkadian love incantation, Leick that the mention of ir'êmum may equate to 'sex appeal' and that "it is linked here with Ea, the master-magician, Inanna, and -the magically vital ingredient- the 'spittle of the kunuktu tree, no doubt to be used as incense, balm or oil. "
The author then notes that when "I" is used, it is the conjurer that is referred to, the patient is only featured directly once in the text, when in the last line "his neck" is referred to. Leick gives an interesting explanation of other features in this incantation.. " The vocabulary is technical here: ahāzum, 'to seize', is a technical term frequently used in spells. To be 'seized' are parts of the body that exude substances which may be magically manipulated, such as saliva, tears and urine; and openings which can be penetrated by the spell. This in itself is preceded by the procuring of some efficacious medium, here branches from Sīn's garden. The spell typically involves metaphorical descriptions of the desired behavior; the girl should be made to 'turn around and around', i.e. be totally absorbed in the object of her love, like a shepherd or a mother with her young. ...[the next few lines might] be part of a ritual, describing a figurine of the lover, who is thereby imbued with sexual attraction. The spell anticipates the outcome - the girl is indeed confounded by ir'êmu and is now 'sick' with love, the contagion having done its work, her 'mouth' (pars pro toto) being 'seized'. Finally, the magician again invokes the two goddesses not to let her have rest before 'their necks are (amorously) entwined.'"

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A Sumerian OB incantation feature Divine Dialogue (Marduk/Ea typ):

In another incantation, this time a later Sumerian one, Leick shows us an example of incantation which has all the 'hallmarks' of a professional exorcistic incantation, but has as its purpose the charming of a girl instead of the usual expelling of demonic influence. This text even includes a Marduk/Ea dialog, a very typical type of exorcistic incantation in which Enki instructs Marduk/Asarluhi on the ritual which will bring about the solution to the problem (in this case, the winning of the heart of the girl.)
For more on Marduk/Ea typ, see theUr III ritual and ceremony thread (reply #3). In the incantation at hand, a description of the situation (the young maid) is first given. Asarluhi then goes to Ea for advice on account of the man who desires her heart - I have quoted this sequence below:

---

[Asarluhi] entered the house of his father Enki and said:
'I do not know what to do in such a case? What will calm him down?'
Enki answered his son Asarluhi:
My son! What do you not know, how could I add (anything useful) for you?
Asarluhi! What do you not know, how could I add (anything useful) for you?
What I know, you know too.
Butter of a holy cow, milk of a šila cow,
Butter of a cow, butter of a white cow,
Pour it into a bowl, that belongs to the green šakan-vessel,
And sprinkle it on the breast of the maid!
Then the maid will not lock the open door,
Will not push away her crying child,
(but) will run after you.'
Incantation of the series of the é-nu-ri.

(Falkenstein 1964)

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An additional incantation from the OB period comes from a compendium tablet containing six incantations (Wilcke 1985/ Scurlock 1989-90). The most interesting is the one Leick gives which was "clearly destined to be used by a women" - the motivation behind this incantation she believes to be "jealousy", as in another women has got the attentions of the man she wants, and this incantation is designed to win those back. The author also observes that allusions to dogs and to boars are frequent in love magic "as their mating behaviors was apparently found to be arousing." The incantation reads:

(note Zeraš = goddess of beer)

---

With the saliva of a dog...[]
With a slap in the face, with rolling of eyes,
I hit you on the head, disturbed your understanding.
Give your understanding to me (lit. my understanding),
Give your advice to me (lit. my advice),
I hold you like Ištar held Dumuzi,
(And) Zeraš bind her drinker.
I have bound you with my breathing (lit. breath-laden)
mouth,
I have bound you with my urinating (urine-yielding)
genitals,
With my salivating (spittle-laden) mouth,
With my urinating genitals.
The (female) rival shall not go near you,
The dog is lying down,
The boar is lying down.
You, lie down again and again on my thighs!
Whatever is on the green fish, is to be added to the oil, it will
be rubbed on.
Look at me and rejoice like a (bow)-string!
May your heart grow light as inspired by Zeraš?
Keep shining upon me like the Šamaš!
Renew yourself to me like Sīn!
[..]... and may your love renew itself!
[..............] anointing with oil.

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Still to come: Potency incantations such as the ŠA2.ZI.GA series. As can be seen from the small sample below, these were even more given to the allure of animal copulation then the more general love incantations. 0_0

At my head a buck is tied.
At my feet !
Buck caress me!
[Ram], copulate with me!
[...] Prance about, wild bull!
Let your strength rise for you!

[/color]

(Biggs, 1967)

[sheshki]

I just found this nice impression of a Cylinder seal with an erotic scene. Yellow marble, Achaemenid period (6th-4th centuries BC). From Susa.
Well, thats another way to enjoy your beer.Looks like not only in our times alcohol gives you weired ideas

[xuchilpaba]

Maybe its a drinking game?

[us4-he2-gal2]

Reviewing:

Erotic Art

in the

Ancient Near East

(an article by Frances Pinnock, CANES IV, p. 2521)

In keeping with the unbashful displays of Sumerian erotica above, I have decided to review and sum the above cited article by Frances Pinnock. While this subject matter is not precisely in keeping with the Bal.bal.e or the Love poetry, I feel it rounds out the topic of sexuality nicely - also some of the seal impressions posted by Sheshki above that are from Legrain 1933, are addressed and commented on by Pinnock. See below..

[note: "coitis a tergo = how refined people say "doing it." ..... ]

The author begins by distinguishing erotic imagery from pornography: while the former maintains some element of the spiritual or emotional connection with a sexual context, the later is more often stresses only the physical sphere and is considered by some to be corrupting or morally repugnant by some. Eroticism is "acceptable artistic or "poetic" representation intended to arouse sexual desire within the sphere of love) while pornography is "unacceptable vulgar exhibition of a mere physical sex act that lacks investment of affection." Pinnock notes that there is always heated debate as to what constitutes one or the other in the art world.

Pinnock next examines Erotic art in the Mesopotamian context, and he distinguishes three principals types of erotic image there:

(1) Figurines , (2) Cylinder Seals and (3) Erotic Plaques.

I have summed the discussion of each below.

(1) Figurines


About erotic figurines, the author explains that naked female figurines have been found from the neolithic period all the way to the latest Mesopotamian period.

a) From the Neolithic and until the Uruk period female figurines had strongly accentuated physical characteristics that may be related to procreation: big and heavy breasts, outsize buttocks, a large belly, a strongly stylized head. Frequently depicted in sitting position and sometimes holds a baby in arms - this has often been interpreted as the mother goddess.

b) From the Jemdat Nasr period to the Persian period a new representation surfaces and is more or less static: the female figurine is henceforth a young, slender woman with small, well-modeled breasts (sometimes held firm by her hands, as in a provocative offering), her genitalia depicted by a big triangle filled with dots to render her public hair. The hair on her head is usually loose or plaited; it surrounds her face, falling to her shoulders. Jewelery and adornment of various types are featured.

The author adds: "The clay female figurine appears totally different from the representation of women in statues or seals with the exception of the squatting women..."





(2) Cylinder Seals


Pinnock states that two different representations of the nude female can be seen in the cylinder seals.

a) The first is the very stylized figure or a naked woman in a frontal position with her legs spread apart, "the so called squatting woman" :

(The author gives this example from Legrain 1933)

The author adds that this figure is depicted from Uruk to Early Dynastic I periods: "usually, the figure appears in seals of cursory style, together with other figures or scenes related mostly to country or everyday life... domestic animals, vegetable motifs, the production of pots, and the preparation of food."


b) "The second type portrays an actual erotic scene with two characters who perform the sexual act facing each other in a horizontal position."

(Examples given by Pinnock and which also Sheshki posted above)

"Sometimes they are accompanied by attendants. One seal from the earlier levels at Ur presents a couple over a kind of shrine, where a women is probably performing a cultic rite. A variant is attested in which two figure are standing, and one, most probably a female, turns her shoulders to the other. In seals, particularly those made in simpler style, it is sometimes difficult to identify the gender of the characters, but frequently the passive personage in the erotic scenes (that is, the one below in the canonical scene, or the one who is penetrated in the scenes of coitus a tergo has a long ponytail and can therefore be identified as a woman."

The author adds: Seals with erotic scenes are not very common, generally speaking, and erotic scenes are not attested in seals of refined style.. It was present from the Uruk to the Neo-Sumerian period, "although not very many specimens survive."




(3) Erotic Plaques

Finally the author comes subject of erotic plaques and again he recognizes two main categories..


a) Old Babylonian Clay Molded Plaques. This type of plaque is from the Old Babylonian period and examples have been found in Nippur, Kish, Eshnunna and Tutub. They were made of clay and contained erotic imagery such as the below example:

(Note the similarity between the scene in this plaque, and the scene in the cylinder seal posted by Sheshki above,)


"The Old Babylonian clay plaques carry two scenes most frequently. In the first a man and a woman, both naked, stand facing each other and perform the sexual act; the woman usually raises on leg bent at the knee to form a right angle. In the second a women bends down from the waist, with her body parallel to the ground, and sometimes she drinks a tube from a jar. She is penetrated from behind by a naked standing man, who occasionally holds a vase in his hand. No attendant is present." (see above.)




b) Lead plaques from Asshur. These plaques were found largely from Istar's temple at Asshur and date from the 13th century BC. Pinnock describes the scenes on these plaques as "even livelier" and describes them as follows: "squatting women spreading their legs apart with their hands; couples standing fact-to-face, with the woman guiding the man by holding his member with he hand; and couples performing coitus a tergo.... sometimes an attendant, whose gender is difficult to ascertain, holds the woman from behind by her arms, in a pose sometimes adopted in cylinder seals."

The author adds: [unlike the OB clay plaques where the figures are naked, in the lead plaques from Asshur the male and female figures are] "dressed and wear long skirts open in the front, when they are represented standing.

---

Still to come: A sum of Pinnock's comments as to possibly practical use of the erotic figure, seal and plaque.

[xuchilpaba]

>her genitalia depicted by a big triangle filled with dots to render her public hair.

Yeah I'd say, since she's depicted.