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Adab
Feb 26, 2009 18:49:54 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 26, 2009 18:49:54 GMT -5
The orientation of this thread is to create a pool for information about the ancient city of Adab.******************************************** Archaic city seal of Adab * ****************************************mu adab ki hul-a / "The year Adab is destroyed" (a year name of Rimush) Below i quote from the book " Adab" by Yang Zhi 2.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDInformation of the history of Adab in the third millenium B.C. is very limited. This section outlines the available evidence in order to provide a background for the studies of the Old Akkadian archive in Part II of this work. 2.2.1 EARLY DYNASTIC
2.2.1.1 Sequence of ED Adab Rulers
Unlike later periods or the Early Dynastic period in Lagash, from which genuine historical inscriptions have survived, the Early Dynastic sources from Adab give only isolated names of rulers. Because of this, the study of the history of Adab in this period is still in the primnitve stage of trying to determine the sequence of the local rulers, of whom we know next to nothing. The only king of Adab mentioned in the Sumerian King List is Lugal-ane-mundu. According to the King List, his reign should belong to the Early Dynastic period. According to the votive inscriptions listed in section 1.1.1 above, the rulers of Adab were the following: Nin-kisal-si GAR.énsi Me-ba-dur Lugal Lugal-da-lu Lugal Bará-hé-i-dùg GAR.énsi Muk-si GAR.énsi É-igi-nim-pa-è GAR.énsi Inscription of É-igi-nim-pa-è The sequence proposed in the above list is by no means certain.It is based on several considerations. 1. There were two temples in the early history of Adab: É-sar and É-mah. The archeological evidence from Bysmaya makes it sufficiently clear that É-sar was an earlier temple with a limestone foundation and that É-mah was a later temple with a foundation of planoconvex bricks, built on top of the ruins of É-sar. Textual evidence supports this sequence, since, of the two, É-mah was the temple mentioned in the Old Akkadian period. The rulers and their votive inscriptions associated with the temple É-sar should be earlyer than ruler(s) associated with the temple É-mah. The former group includes Nin-kisal-si, Me-ba-dur, and Lugal-da-lu, while É-mah was built by É-igi-nim-pa-è and appears in the inscription of no other ruler. This puts É-igi-nim-pa-è toward the end of our list of rulers and the end of the Early Dynastic period. This point is supported by the shape of É-igi-nim-pa-e´s bronze tablets (OIP 14 19-22), which is very close to that of the Old Akkadian tablets, i.e., rectangular with one side flat and other convex, quite different from the Early Dynastic tablets from Adab. É-sarÉ-mah 2.In earlier period, the signs on a tablet were not necessarily written in the same sequence in which they were read. This can be seen in the temple name É-sar, which was written as SAR.É in the inscriptions bearing the names of Nin-kisal-si, and Me-ba-dur. The name was written É-sar in the inscriptions of Lugal-da-lu and Bará-hé-i-dùg. While not definitiv proof, this circumstance suggests that Lugal-da-lu and Bará-hé-i-dùg probably date after Nin-kisal-si, Me-ba-dur. SAR.É 3. According to OIP 14 5, Nin-kisal-si was contemporary with Mesilim, the king of Kish. Mesilim was contemporary with Lugal-shà-engur, the second earliest ruler known from Lagash, who can be dated to ca. 2550 B.C. This would put Nin-kisal-si about the same date. So he may be the earliest attested ruler of Adab. 4. The recently published text UCLM9-1798 proves that the ruler Muk-si probably preceded É-igi-nim-pa-è. It is tempting to use the titles of rulers as a criterion for dating the Adab rulers, since the writing GAR.énsi looks like an archaism. But the GAR.énsi title in Adab was used consistently from the time of Nin-kisal-si down to that of E-igi-nim-pa-è, who would be closest to the Akkadian era. Elsewhere, the same title was used by Sá-tam, Ruler of Uruk, during early Sargonic times. It therefore seems clear that the GAR.énsi title is not an archaism, but simply a (regional?) pecularity.Concerning the list i have drawn together above, i have not included in it the ruler named Lum-ma, despite the fact that his name is found on two votive inscriptions from Adab (A208 and A 217),one of which describes him as PA.SI.GAR. Lum-ma´s title was written PA.SI.GAR and PA.GAR.TE.SI, instead of the standart GAR.PA.TE.SI of the other Adab rulers; his title was never followed by the qualification "of Adab". These data would seem to indicate that Lum-ma was not a local ruler of Adab, but a ruler from another city who placed votive vessels in the E-sar temple.
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Adab
Feb 26, 2009 21:49:05 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 26, 2009 21:49:05 GMT -5
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 9:19:48 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 9:19:48 GMT -5
2.2.1.2 UCLM9-1798 and Adab as a Cult Center The newly published text UCLM9-1798 provides an important piece of new information on the history of Adab at the end of the Early Dynastic period. This text records the sale of land of the heirs of the priest of Kesh to the GAR.énsi of Adab, É-igi-nim-pa-è. ( as Foxvog points out at "Funerary Furnishings" in "Death in Mesopotamia" several serious problems of interpretations still remain. My understanding of the text is that Bíl-làl-la, the priest of Kesh, died, and his heirs, who did not bear any priestly title, sold the land to the GAR.énsi of Adab. The GAR.énsi of Adab, É-igi-nim-pa-è, paid for the land with barley that came form the house of Muk-si, his predecessor, and the temple of Nin-muk.He also paid five mina of silver to the brothers of Làl-la, the wife of Bíl-làl-la, who was already dead at the time of the transaction and was buried in URUxA, probably her home town. This was so that Làl-la could be released from URUxA and reburied with her husband. The transaction was not a private one on the part of É-igi-nim-pa-è, since he made the payment with property from a temple and its precedessor´s house. On the part of the seller, however, there is a lack of cultic personnel witnesses except for one a-tu, a priest of the Ninhursag cult. It is probable that this was not because the sale was a purely personal matter of Bíl-làl-la´s heirs, but because Bíl-làl-la was the last priest of Kesh.) This evidence ties together several data concerning the history of the cities of Adab and Kesh. First, according to earlier literary tradition, we know that Kesh was the cultic center for the mothergoddes Ninhursag, but that later Adab displaced Kesh. Secondly, we know the place name Kesh had practically disappeared by the Old Akkadian period. Thirdly we know that É-igi-nim-pa-è, the buyer of the land in this text, was the builder of É-mah, the larger temple which replaced the older É-sar in Adab. Putting all of this together, i would propose that the center for the cult of Ninhursag was formally transferred from Kesh to Adab at this point in history, marking the end of Kesh as a cultic center. Ninhursag The rise of Adab as an important cult center also coincided with the rise in the number of Akkadian personal names. This ocurred especially during the time of the last two énsis of the Early Dynastic period. The exchange of gifts with Lagash under one of the last two rulers, the building of the new temple É-mah, and the purchase of land from the priest of Kesh by É-igi-nim-pa-è all indicate that Adab was prospering prior to the Akkadian conquest.
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 11:03:58 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 11:03:58 GMT -5
2.2.2 Old AkkadianSargon, who called himself king of Akkad and king of Kish, was probably partly contemporary with En-sha-kush-anna, a ruler originally from Ur who was recognized in Nippur as "King of the land." In addition, we know that Sargon was contemporary with Lugalzagesi, the ruler of Umma who called himself "King of Uruk" and "King of Sumer." Sargon conquered Lugalzagesi and then left him to rule as énsi, a post Lugalzagesi continued to hold into the reign of Rimush. The ruler of Adab at the time of Sargon and Lugalzagesi was Meskigal. Meskigal called himself énsi and Lugalzagesi lugal. This shows that before Sargon conquered Lugalzagesi, Adab was under Umma´s influence. Just how much authority the "King of Sumer" had over other citystates, however, is not clear. According to Sargon´s inscription b 1, he first conquered Uruk and captured Lugalzagesi; then he fought against Ur, É-nin-MAR ki, Lagash, and Umma. There is no information on Adab during the reign of Sargon, after he conquered Lugalzagesi. Though Sargon states that he conquered Ur, Umma, and Lagash, and his year names tell us that he also conquered Elam, Urua, and Mari, his control over these cities did not last. His successor, Rimush, in turn, had to reconquer Ur, Umma, and Lagash, and also battle against Kazallu, Adab, Zabalam, and a region in Elam called Barahsi. The chronological order of these conquests is not clear from his various inscriptions. During the reign of Rimush, while this Akkadian king still calls himself "King of Kish", Ka-Ku of Ur was called "King of Ur" and was the only ruler in Sumer using the title lugal. The rulers of the other sumerian cities which Rimush fought were énsis and were presumably under the leadership of another center, probably Ur. For Adab, this would have meant that, after the previous overlord Lugalzagesi of Umma had been subjugated by Akkad, Meskigal had not automatically fallen under the authority of Akkad, but had either formed a small league with neighbouring Zabalam and recognized no overlord (i.e. called nobody "King") or had become part of the newly formed Ur-league. According to Rimush inscription b 4, in the battle with Adab and Zabalam, the Akkadian soliders struck down 15,718 men, captured 14,576 men, captured Meskigal, the énsi of Adab, and Lugal-Ushumgal, the énsi of Zabalam, and sent an unknown number of men to labor camps. If Rimush´s numbers are not merely fanciful, Adab and Zabalam would have been radically drained of manpower. It is not known what happend to Meskigal after his capture. From the reign of Manishtusu, we have no records mentioning Adab. Naram-Sin´s gold leaves and brick stamps found in Adab are the earliest attestation of the Akkadian kings in Adab. Despite his unsubstantiadet claim to "nine battles in one year," Naram-sin´s reign was probably a turning point and time of recovery in sumer, following the upheavals which occured during the reign of his father and grandfather. Most cities within Sumer and Akkad had been conquered. According to his inscriptions and year names, Naram-Sin´s major campaigns were directed eastward towards Elam and Simurrum. Apart from this, he led an expedition westward to Ebla; dug numerous canals; established the foundations for the Enlil temple in Nippur and the Inanna temple in Zabalam; and built the Sin temple in Lagash. Naram-Sin broke also with tradition and was deified while he was still alive. This last act and the building of temples were probably political manoeuvres designed to win support of the old Sumerian city-states. Naram-Sin The brick stamp of Naram-Sin found in Adab states that Naram-Sin was the builder of the Inanna temple. The text does not state that the temple was in Adab. Since Adab and Zabalam were so close together, this may have referred to the Inanna temple in Zabalam and not a different Inanna temple in Adab. Naram-Sin´s Brickstamp The gold leaf (A1217) of Naram-Sin was found on mound V, the temple mound, where the temple É-mah stood in the Old Akkadian period. According to the excavation records, the É-mah which the Early Dynastic ruler É-igi-nim-pa-è built was of plano-convex bricks, while Naram-Sin´s gold leaf was found in a chamber of the temple built of long-grooved bricks, one level above the plano-convex structure. This would mean that sometime during the Old Akkadian period, most likely in Naram-Sins reign, É-mah was rebuilt. Adab was the center of whorship for one of the eight "great gods" Naram-Sin invoked in his deification inscription, namely Ninhursag. The gold leaf may have been part of an offering of Naram-Sin to Ninhursag. We do not know the name of the énsi who ruled in Adab at this time. likely candidates are Ur-{d}dumu and the ésni whose name ends with the sign -AB. but the seal of Ur-{d}dumu does not state any allegiance to either Naram-Sin or his successor Sharkalisharri. Sharkalisharri´s era was generally a peaceful time, although some unrest is indicated by his year names that mention battles with Elam abd the Gutians, and the appearance of Amorites. Elamites had been a consistent enemy of the Sargonic dynasty; the gutians were a new threat. Though the foundation of Enlil´s temple in Nippur was said to be laid by Naram-Sin, Sharkalisharri again claims to have laid the foundation for the same temple. He left fewer royal inscriptions than Naram-Sin, but many of his governors and subordinates left inscriptions and seals stating their allegiance to him. Doubtless this was because the lower levels of the "empire" were beginning to form a relativly stable society, the result of the efforst of three generations of continuous rule. The local ruler of Adab during Sharkalisharri´s reign was the énsi Lugal-gish. we do not know the name of his father, how he came to office, or who succeeded him. His name does not appear in texts outside of Adab. The archive from Adab in general does not contain much information on political history. The most informative group of texts we have consists of letters written by Lugal-gish, together with a memorandum that a gutian general was passing through Adab on his way to Uruk. (According to one of Shar-kali-sharri´s year names, the city of Uruk (and Naksu) was the site of a battle. (RLA 2 133 f: MU REC169 unug ki-a nak-su ki-a [] "Year in which the battle of Uruk and Naksu [].) It is tempting to see a connection between the Gutian general going from Adab to Uruk and this campaign by Shar-kali-sharri. Note that, after the downfall of the dynasty of Agade, Utu-hegal, the restorer of Sumer, mentions in his inscription both, Uruk and Nak-su ki. What might inferred from these hints is that the city of Uruk seems to have played a special role in the time of Gutian hegemony, perhaps having been (peacfully?) infiltrated by Gutians during the Sargonic period and dominated by them following the time of Shar-kali-sharri.)
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 15:33:04 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 15:33:04 GMT -5
2.2.3 UR III
It is not clear whether Adab was under the rule of Ur as early as the reign or Ur-Nammu. In his excavation records, Banks does not mention Ur-Nammu, but in bismaya, he claims that one of the wells at mound IV was built with stamped bricks of Ur-engur (Ur-Nammu). This information without the bricks themselves to examine, or at least copies of one of the brick inscriptions, is unreliable, and Ur-Nammu´s control over Adab is still in question. The ruler to follow Ur-Nammu, Shulgi,, built a dam in Adab for the goddesss Ninhursag. Ur-Ashgi, an énsi of Adab, must have governed during parts of Shulgi´s long reign. There is one fragmentary votive inscription of this ruler probably dedicated to Shulgi (A 202=OIP 14 36); but we have no tablets bearing Ur-Ashgi´s own seal or name, only the seal and name of his scribe Ur-pap-mu-ra. Ur-pap-mu-ra stayed in office longer then his master. In Shulgi year 45, when Ur-Ashgi was no longer énsi, Ur-pap-mu-ra stopped using the seal with the énsi´s name on it and started using a seal which contained only his own name and his father´s name.
According to two sealings (BR 3/1 13 and A 903), a person named Ur-Ashgi, the énsi of Adab had at least two sons: Lú-Utu and É-sa6-ga. The former´s seal was used in the year Ibbi-Sin 2 (A903). It is not clear whether Ur-Ashgi, the Adab énsi during Shulgis reign, was the father of these two, or was there an Ur-Ashgi II, who ruled during the later years of Shu-Sin and the beginning years of Ibbi-Sin. The first hypothesis would imply that Ur-Ashgi´s sons were still using their old seals with their father´s title on it, long after Ur-Ashgi´s removal from office. Apart from these two sealings, Ur-Ashgi´s name is also on a tablet and its sealing (UET 3 19). Unfortunately the year name of this tablet is only partially preserved: it can be Amar-Sin 5, 6 or 9, or less likely, Shulgi 29.
After Ur-Ashgi, the énsi at Adab was Ha-ba-lu5-ke4, whose name is not only attested on tablets frpm Adab, but also on tablets from Drehem and Ur.Amar-Shuba, the scribe of énsi Ha-ba-lu5-ke4, is well attested in the tablets in MVN 3. During Shulgi´s reign, Ha-ba-lu5-ke4 dedicated a stone bowl for the life of Shulgi (VA 3324). During Su-Sin´s reign, Ha-ba-lu5-ke4 built a palace for Shu-Sin, preumably in Adab. To judge from tablets from Adab itself and tablets from elsewhere mentioning Adab, Ha-ba-lu5-ke4 served as governor at least from the year Shulgi 39 (MVN 3 169) to Shu-Sin 3 (AOS 32 W 78). The best documented activities of Ha-ba-lu5-ke4 as city governor are his judging of legal cases involving citizens of Adab and his transactions with Drehem, the ancient Puzrish-Dagan, concerning animals.
The mechanism governing the receiving and dispatching of animals at Drehem still needs to be studdies in the context of the whole corpus of Drehem texts. The forty or so animal texts in this archive mentioning Adab may be divided into two types:
1. Records of animals going from Adab to Puzrish-Dagan. Most of texts belong to this type. They usually employ the terms mu-túm, ""brought in" and i-dab5, "took charge of." The number of animals involved is very small-- often only one, and in the largest case no more then thirty.
2. Records of animals going to Adab. These are, for the most part, characterized by the use of the verb ba-zi "extended." The quantity of animals going to Adab is much larger than from Adab (several tablets record more then 300 animals transferred). There are about half the number of tablets of this type as compared to the number of tablets of type "I".
We do not know who was énsi of Adab after year Shu-Sin 3, when records of Ha-ba-lu5-ke4 stopped. From Shu-Sin 8 and Ibbi-Sin 2, we have the sealings of the two sons of a Ur-Ashgi.
After Ibbi-Sin 2, Adab is not mentioned until the Isin-Larsa period. Banks´records indicate that more remains from the UrIII period may still be buried in Mounds IVa and VI of Adab.
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 15:34:16 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 15:34:16 GMT -5
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 15:45:17 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 15:45:17 GMT -5
Here is what wikipedia has to say about Adab. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AdabAdab (modern Bismaya (or Bismya), Wasit Governorate, Iraq) was an ancient Sumerian city between Telloh and Nippur. HistoryAdab was occupied from at least the Early Dynastic period, thru the Akkadian Empire and into the empire of Ur III. While no later archaeological evidence was found at Bismaya, the excavations there were brief and there were later epigraphic references to Adab such as in the Code of Hammurabi. One king of Adab, Lugal-Anne-Mundu, is listed in the Sumerian King List and is mentioned in a later inscription. A king of Kish, Mesilim, appears to have ruled at Adab, based on inscriptions found at Bismaya. Several governors of the city under Ur III are also known. Lastly, a marble statue found at Bismaya was inscribed with the name of a king of Adab which has been variously translated as Lugal-daudu, Da-udu, Lugaldalu, and Esar. According to Sumerian text Descent to the Underworld, there was a temple of Inanna named E-shar at Adab. Brick stamps, found by Banks during his excavation of Adab state that the Akkadian ruler Naram-Suen built a temple to Inanna at Adab, but the temple was not found during the dig and is not known for certain to be E-shar. ArchaeologyA group of ruin mounds are what remains of the ancient city. The mounds are about 1.5 km (1 mile) long and two miles (3 km) wide, consisting of a number of low ridges, nowhere exceeding 12 m (40 ft) in height, lying in the Jezireh, somewhat nearer to the Tigris than the Euphrates, about a day's journey to the south-east of Nippur. Initial excavations of the site of Bismaya were by William Hayes Ward of the Wolfe Expedition in 1885 and by John Punnett Peters of the University of Pennsylvania in 1889. Excavations conducted there for six months, from Christmas of 1903 to June 1904, for the University of Chicago, by Dr. Edgar James Banks, proved that these mounds covered the site of the ancient city of Adab (Ud-Nun), hitherto known only from the Sumerian king list and a brief mention of its name in the introduction to the Hammurabi Code (c. 2250 B.C.). The city was divided into two parts by a canal, on an island in which stood the temple, E-mach, with a ziggurat, or stepped tower. It was evidently once a city of considerable importance, but deserted at a very early period, since the ruins found close to the surface of the mounds belong to Shulgi and Ur-Nammu, kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur in the latter part of the third millennium B.C, based on inscribed bricks excavated at Bismaya. Immediately below these, as at Nippur, were found artifacts dating to the reign of Naram-Suen and Sargon of Akkad, ca. 2300 BC. Below these there were still 10.5m (35 ft) of stratified remains, constituting seven-eighths of the total depth of the ruins. Besides the remains of buildings, walls and graves, Dr. Banks discovered a large number of inscribed clay tablets of a very early period, bronze and stone tablets, bronze implements and the like. But the two most notable discoveries were a complete statue in white marble, apparently the earliest yet found in Mesopotamia, now in the museum in Constantinople, bearing the inscription, translated by Banks as "E-mach, King Da-udu, King of, Ud-Nun"; and a temple refuse heap, consisting of great quantities of fragments of vases in marble, alabaster, onyx, porphyry and granite, some of which were inscribed, and others engraved and inlaid with ivory and precious stones. Of the Adab tablets that ended up at the University of Chicago, sponsor of the excavations, all have been published and also made available in digital form online.Of the tablets sold piecemeal to various owners, a few have also made their way into publication. There is a Sumerian comic tale of the Three Ox-drivers from Adab
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Adab
Feb 27, 2009 15:59:46 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Feb 27, 2009 15:59:46 GMT -5
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Adab
Mar 3, 2009 2:11:41 GMT -5
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Mar 3, 2009 2:11:41 GMT -5
NICE WORK SHESHKI! This is definitely a great thread which will really introduce the topic of Adab to the forum, a city that often escapes scrutiny. You have of course done a wonderful job bringing in the best cuneiform and protocuneiform which really brings the discussion alive! And I see you are here revealing your intent to become the most wordy poster on enenuru - for these are truly monster posts! Concerning post 1, I particularly like your starting with the seal of Adab, and inclusion after of the archaic cuneiform forms, and of course the cuneiform for the temples is an amazing touch As for the content, its interesting to see what can be said about the history, though it shows how daunting efforts to explain this city can be. Nice to see the Kings names, I haven't seen them before - I am already thinking we should convert your information for the notes on kings section at enenuru.net As for Reply 1, nice work finding these very accessible documents, especially Bismya or the Lost City of Adab, could produce some nice insight ;] In Reply 2, we see that Zhi makes a fascinating proposal (much of which you have highlighted in read) which seeks to explain the disappearance of Kesh as a cultic centre! This is very interesting and tell us simultaneously something important for both Kesh and Adab. In Reply 3, an excellent portrait of Rulership and Leagues is given and particularly interesting is the emergence of the "King of Ur" league after Sargons "King of Kish" league subjected Lugalzagesi. It's very impressive that the scholar is able to say something about Adab placement in these using indirect information such as the inscriptions of Sargon's son and consideration of Meskigal's royal title. Awesome that you also included the Naram-sin brick stamp As for the last part of the this post about the possibility of Uruk being complicate in the Gutian occupation of Sumer, that is providing no Resistance or perhaps even support, I would need to research that. However, I think I recall Kramer suspecting the same sort of compliance with the Gutians from Gudea of Lagash. Reasons for this sort of compliance may not be politically charged, as in a vested interest in destabilizing the Akkadians, but could be a result of necessity (due to the brutality of the occupiers.) Will comment on the remaining soon nice thread!
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Adab
Mar 3, 2009 12:56:31 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 3, 2009 12:56:31 GMT -5
Thanks Bill! I found another Article mentioning Adab. cdli.ucla.edu/pubs/cdlj/2002/cdlj2002_002.pdfI post some parts below, for complete article use link above please. A Previously Unpublished Lawsuit from Ur III AdabMagnus Widell IHAC, Northeast Normal University, Changchun §1. The cuneiform clay tablet presented for the fi rst time in this article is kept in the California Museum of Ancient Art, Los Angeles. The text was given to the museum in 1985 by Russ and Ivonne Kino.1 §3. While the city of Adab no doubt was very important during the Ur III period,2 less than fi fty texts have so far been published from the site.3 The present text is an important and welcome addition to this limited number of available Ur III tablets from Adab. Moreover, a number of unusual and highly interesting features (see below) certainly justify a more thorough analysis of the text. As so often is the case with Ur III administrative and economic texts, the text under review here may be understood in rather divergent ways. It should be emphasized that the present interpretation should by no means be considered defi nitive. §4. Since the text does not have a month name, the attribution to Adab has been based on the overall appearance and structure of the text (see e.g. SDU 67-72)4 and on the fact that the lawsuit took place in front of the Adab governor Îabalukke (Ìa-ba-lu5-ke4, line 6). A further indication for an Adab provenience is the theophoric element AÒgi in lu2-daÒ7-gi4 (line 9). This element was popular in the personal names in Adab (hence the city’s earlier governor, and the father of Îabalukke5, ur-daÒ7-gi4 or puzur4-daÒ7-gi4 in UET 3, 14/SDU 68; MVN 3, 268/SDU 73) and was always written daÒ7-gi4.6 Note also the AÒgi temple e2-u4- gim-x-x that was situated in either Adab or KeÒ (A. George, House Most High, 153). The e2-maÌ “Exalted house”, which is an element in the personal name ure2- mah in line 7, was (together with the e2-sar “House of vegetation?”) the main temple in Adab (Adab, 99). EmaÌ as an element in personal names is also attested in e2-maÌ-ki-du10 who worked as a scribe in Adab (UET 3, 14/SDU 68). It should, however, be noted that this temple name is rather common and can be found in several other Ur III cities (see House Most High, 119- 120) and the personal name Ur-EmaÌ is common in the Ur III state. §5. Due to the lack of textual material from Adab, we know very little about the governor Îabalukke. Nevertheless, we have every reason to assume that he was one of the most infl uential individuals in central (and possibly also northern) Babylonia during the Ur III period. We know that he acted as governor for at least 30 years,7 from Shulgi 33/iv (seal inscription of SAT 2, 79) until Shu-Suen 5/iii (SAT 3, 1592; MVN 3, 268). Not only was Îabalukke in control of Adab for a very long period of time,8 but he must also have been of considerable age when he fi nally retired. In our fi rst attestation of Îabalukke from Shulgi 33 we learn that he had a son called lu2-me-lam who was old (and important) enough to receive very large amounts of barley as the regular delivery of the goddess Ninsun (see also OrSP 47-49, 186, from Shulgi 35). While it is reasonable to assume that Lu-melam, due to his father’s infl uence, indeed would enjoy rapid success within the state administration, we can hardly reckon that Îabalukke was much younger than 40 at this point. §7. CMAA 015-C0019 Transliteration/ Translationobv. 1) 1(diÒ) an-na-Ìi-li mu-ni-im / One (man), his name is Ana-Ìili,2) IR11 puzur4-ma-ma-kamhe / is the servant of Puzur-Mama.3) ur-dnin-mug ÒeÒ ama an-na-Ìi-li/ Ur-Ninmug, the maternal uncle of Ana-Ìili,4) ugu2 an-na-Ìi-li /on account of Ana-Ìili,5) di-bi i3-[gar]ar /he (i.e. Ur-Ninmug) brought a legal complaint.6) igi Ìa-ba-lu5-ke4 ensi2 adabki-ba /Before: Îabalukke, the governor of the city of Adab.7) igi ur-e2-maÌ dumu x-x-x /Before: Ur-EmaÌ, the son of ... .8) igi ba-du-du dam-gar3 /Before: Badudu, the merchant.9) 1(diÒ) [l]u2-daÒ7-gi4 dumu bi2-bi2 /One (man): Lu-AÒgi, the son of Bibi.10) 1(diÒ) i-ti-dam DIM4 /One (man): Itidam, the DIM4.11) 1(diÒ) ma-ga-ru-um /One (man): Magarum.12) 1(diÒ) GAL3-di dub-sar /One (man): GAL-di, the scribe.13) 1(diÒ) KA-NI-NI [dumu] ma2-laÌ4-ku3-zu /One (man): KA-NI-NI, [the son] of MalaÌ-kuzu.rev. 14) [1(diÒ)] ¿nam-Ìa•-ni dumu sanga-bi-ta /[One (man):] NamÌani, the son/apprentice of (lit. from) its chief temple administrator.15) [1(diÒ) e2?]-¿lu2•-ti dumu sanga-bi-ta /[One (man): E?]-lu-ti, the son/apprentice of (lit. from) its chief temple administrator.16) [1(diÒ) x]-x-GAR maÒkim ensi2 /[One (man): x]-x-GAR, the enforcer (of ) the governor.17) [lu2]-inim-ma-bi-me /They are its (i.e. the lawsuit’s) witnesses.18) igi-bi-¿Òe3 nam-IR11• /Before them (i.e. the witnesses), the servant status (of Ana-Ìili)19) i3-in-[gi]-¿in• /he (i.e. Ur-Ninmug) has made (legally) fi rm.20) (blank space) 21) mu ur-bi2-lumki ki-maÒki ba-Ìul-a /In the year: “The city of Urbilum (and) the city of KimaÒ were destroyed”.§12. To lines 14-15. In MVN 17, 3 (col. ii) and ITT 2, 3536, we fi nd, among various temple personnel, dumu sanga listed immediately after sanga. This shows that the expression was used to denote a title or profession, i.e. “apprentice of the sanga” (AAS 217: «novice» sanga). However, other texts (hence the scribe Ur-Baba on the tablet/case and on seal inscription of MVN 6, 162) show that the expression could simply refer to the profession of an individual’s father (in which case we, of course, have to consider NamÌani and E?-lu-ti brothers). Since the other witnesses in the texts are identifi ed both with their patronyms (lines 7, 9, 13) and by means of their professions (lines 6, 8, 10, 12, 16), it is diffi cult to say how we should understand the lines. The expression is usually followed by a divine name or, in some cases, a location (e.g. dNin-Òubur or URUxKAR2 ki). The absence of either in our text may perhaps imply that the text was written and archived within the jurisdiction of a specifi c temple and that the particular deity of the sanga and temple therefore was considered obvious and unnecessary to write down. §13. To line 21. The year name on this tablet is unique and may be the result of a novice scribe in Adab. However, a few year names in the Ur III state (i.e. Shulgi 9 and 36) were only used in particular cities in the state (see M. Sigrist and P. Damerow, Mesopotamian Year Names, in the web pages of the CDLI <http:// cdli.ucla.edu/>), and it is possible that the year name in our text represents such a local and until now unknown year formula used only in Adab. Both Shulgi (year 45) and Amar-Suen (year 2) claim to have destroyed the city of Urbilum, and Îabalukke, our only other certain point of reference, was the governor of Adab from at least Shulgi 33 to Shu-Suen 5 (see above under General description). However, only Shulgi claims to have destroyed the city of KimaÒ (Shulgi 46 and 48) and since the use of regionally specifi c year names otherwise seems to be confi ned to his reign,9 it seems likely that the year name in our text refers to any one of the years Shulgi 45, 46 or 48. The year formula for Shulgi 45 is securely attested in Adab (MVN 3, nos. 209, 211, 212) and does not appear different from that known in other cities in the state. Two texts (UET 3, 15/SDU 69 and UET 3, 18/SDU 72), which are recorded as found in Ur but probably were written in Adab (see SDU 5), show that the year formulae for Shulgi 4610 and Amar-Suen 2 followed the standard Ur III convention. With this in mind, it appears plausible that the year formula in our text was used for Shulgi’s 48th year. 9
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Adab
Mar 6, 2009 14:39:05 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 6, 2009 14:39:05 GMT -5
2.1.3 ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS
2.1.3.1 Early Dynastic
The earliest reference in administrative texts to the city of Adab is found in the Fara administrative archive where certain individuals are mentioned as being from Adab. The names together with the text numbers in FARA 3 are listed below:
ad-da-lum 70 AN.amar 75 AN.ME 61 AN.ME.NU 67;68;69 AN.é-sar 107 é-pa-è 70; TSS 150 r. iii3 Ki-ni-dùg 103 lugal-KA-zi-da 70 men-nu 70 mi-dùg 70 shesh-geshtin 73 shubur 70 ur-{d}dam-gal 67;68;69;70 ur-dumu 70;73 ur-ur 61 [x]-ad-[x] 72
Texts from Fara (Fara 3 92 and 94), demonstrated in table 5, also mention the mustering of troops from several major sumerian cities, including Adab. The number of men may, or may not, give an idea of the respective importance or size of the towns, but note that Adab ranks first in the number of men in both cases. Two tablets from Lagash record the exchange of presents between Nin-gizkim-ti, the wife of an unnamed énsi of Adab, and Bara-nam-tara, the wife of Lugal-anda, énsi of Lagash. The gifts from Adab consisted mainly of timber and horses, while the gifts from Lagash consisted mainly of textiles and metal.
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Adab
Mar 6, 2009 15:02:04 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 6, 2009 15:02:04 GMT -5
2.1.3.2 Old Akkadian1. DV 5 10 is an Umma text dated 5 mu2-kam. According to Forster, it belongs to Group A, i.e., to the time when Lugalzagesi was énsi of Umma under the rule of Akkad. It records that a citizen of Adab ( dumu adab{ki}) named Ka5-a, was taken to Dur-ibla by shatammu brother of the governor. 2. DV 5 20 mentiones various groups of laborers together wit heir headman, among these are two persons described as gan-tush adab{ki}-ta e-gin-na "resident who came from Adab." 3. BIN 8 86 is an account of field surveys of plots assigned or belonging to various people during the seventh year of Lugalzagesi. Among the individuals the énsi of Nippur (i1) and the énsi of Adab (v 11) are mentioned. Although no name is given, the énsi was probably Meskigal. TROOPS FROM SUMERIAN CITIES IN FARA 3 92 AND 94City no. 92 no.94
Uruk 182 140 Adab 192 215 Nippur 94 74 Lagash 60 110 Shuruppak 56 66 Umma 86 128 4. Belonging to the early Sargonic period, but coming from Nippur, is OSP 1 16, which records sheepskins as part of deliveries ( PAD.INANNA) from Adab. 5. OSP 1 155, also from Nippur, mentions, in a broken context, a mountain kid from Adab. 6. TMH 5 85 is another Nippur text which contains a year name of Sargon: "the year in which Sargon destroyed Elam." This text records sheepskins from Adab given to a leather worker for tanning. 7. In a group of Nippur texts dealing with beer jars given to various persons; some of these people are not designated by name but by a gentilic term of the from lú-GN{ki}[/i} "a man from GN." A "man from Adab" is mentioned in 55, 57, and perhaps 60.
8. OSP 1 52 is a Nippur bread expenditure text. Judging from the shape of the tablet, i would put it in the later Sargonic Period. The text mentions a headman (ugula) of Adab among the recipients of bread. Otherrecipients include a man from Umma and various individuals not associated with a specific city.
9. When we turn to the later Sargonic period, we find Amherst 10, a Lagash record of expenditure of ghee and ga-àr, mentioning three containers (sá-ab) of ghee (ì-nun for the ancestors (en-en-ne) of Adab (probably for an offering). The text has no indication of date. I place it in the later Sargonic period because of the roughly square shape of the tablet (according to the copy).
10. CT 50 148 is another Lagash text. It has no date, but probably comes from later Sargonic period. It records the distribution of bread and beer to people from other cities. The people include:
a man from Susa a man from Adab a man from Umma and his companion a man from Uru-az a man from Agade (lú AN a-ga-dè{ki}) Apil-GI Su-bir{x}-a
11. USP 27 records flour and malt from Adab. According to Forster, this mu-iti text belongs to Group C, i.e., late Sargonic period.
12. RTC 120 was put by Thureau-Dangin into his "third series," which dates to the time of Nara-Sin and Sharkalisharri. The text records amounts of barley, measured in gur-sá-dug4, for religious officials from Uruk, Adab, and Zabalam. The ones from Adab are {d}nin-shubur and the ishib-priest of Ninshubur.
13. RTC 244 was dated by Thureau-Dangin to the period of Gudea and his successors. It is a mu-túm text recording various commodities, sheep, wine, oxen, horses, beer, and fine linen associated with the following people:
Sig-ba-lum, the wife of Ishar-beli, the son of Agu-zi, Gul-la-ba, the énsi of Adab, Nin-pù the musician, Ur-nigingar the merchant, Ur-[mes?]
Among these people, Ishar-beli is probably the same person whose seal was found in Adab. The seal dates him to Sharkalisharri´s reign. This would place the dating of RTC 244 to the time of Sharkalisharri (contra Thureau-Dangin)
14. RTC 248, dated also by Thureau-Dangin to the time of Gudea or later, records the issue of beer to various people from several towns; a lù ada[b{ki}] appears in line 11.
15. MCS 9 234 and Frank 43 are two messenger texts from Umma. Though one of the texts has its year broken away, the two texts look as if they coming from approximatley the same period. The recipients of beer on the two tablets correspondend. Both texts have been mentioned by Forster (p 113) as belonging to Group C, which is dated to the reign of Sharkalisharri. People identified by their origin include:
a man from Shuruppak a man from Adab a man from Lagash a man from Uru-sag-rig7 a man from Bashime a gutian messenger Westerners (mar-tu), Gutians a son of the énsi of Hashuanum
16. TMH 5 147 is an inventory from Nippur with the assets (níg-ga) of Ur-du-ka, seized by Lugal-abzu, the fuller. Among the real estate entries, 8 iku of land from Adab is included.
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Adab
Mar 6, 2009 16:26:40 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 6, 2009 16:26:40 GMT -5
2.1.3.3 Ur IIIThere are aproximately 53 Ur III tablets from Drehem, Ur, Nippur, Umma, and Lagash that mention the city Adab or individuals from Adab. They span the years Shulgi 31 to Ibbi-Sin 2. The majority ( about 39 tablets) are records of animals from Drehem. Some of the more interesting texts are summarized here. A. UmmaA.1 A large tablet published by Alotte de la fuye records barley stored at a storehouse in Tummal. Two gur of barley came from the énsi of Adab. The text is dated year 9 of Shulgi. A.2 TCL 5 6041 records harvesters from various cities; among the harvesters 1800 men were from Adab (iii 18). The date is year 2 of Amar-Sin. A.3 NBC 3307 is a record of baskets ( gi kaskal) dispatched to the énsi of Adab. The tablet is dated to year 5 of Amar-Sin. A.4 RA 12 (1915):164, 166, is a record of bricks, combining several smaller tablets. one of the accounts belongs to an agent of the énsi of Adab ( lú énsi adab{ki}, iv 1). The text is dated in the 4th year of Amar-Sin. A.5 Contenau 92, dated to year 31 of Shulgi, records large amounts of wheat and emmer from the énsi of Adab received by Ur-lisi in Umma, or express orders from Umma governor ( ki énsi adab{ki}-ta inim énsi umma{ki}-ta ur{d}lig-si4 shu ba-ti). The delivery is defined as shà bala i.e., part of the bala-term of the énsi of Adab. B. LagashB.1 L 11062 is a legal document recording the sale of a female slave from Adab. It is dated to year 1 of Shu-Sin. B.2 Reisner, TUT 154 is a very large tablet recording barley rations for the personnel of the "new mill". The towns of origin of the outsiders are listed, and among the workers there is one from Adab. The text is dated to year 1 of Amar-Sin. C. DrehemC.1 Radau, E AH 134 is a list of month names, each associated with an énsi or other official of a city. This is one of the basic texts that establish an "amphictyony". TABLET EAH 134 Month: Official: XII-I énsi of Girsu II énsi of Umma III énsi of Babylon IV énsi of Marada V-VI énsi of Girsu VII énsi of Ezen-Shulgi VIII énsi of Adab IX shabra of Ur X énsi of Shuruppak XI énsi of Kazallu D. UrD.1 Three slave sale documents found in Ur mrntion Habaluke, the énsi of Adab, on some official role. The principals in the slave slae UET 3 19 are also from Adab. +++++++++++++++++++++++++ to be continued...
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Adab
Mar 11, 2009 8:44:46 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 11, 2009 8:44:46 GMT -5
From : Bismya or The Lost City of AdabA Story of Adventure, of Exploration, and of Excavation among the Ruins of the Oldest of the Buried Cities of Babylonia 1912 By Edgar James Banks, Ph.D. Field Director of the Expedition of the Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago to Babylonia The following story of exploration and of excavation is intended to describe in a popular way the remarkable discoveries made by the author in the Babylonian ruin mound of Bismya.[...] Miscellaneous Discoveries[...] The walls of Adab could not be traced entirely around the city. Near the west corner, along the northwest side, they appeared distinctly, for in places they lay exposed on the surface. We cleared other places along their summit that we might trace their course, and we dug down at their sides to their foundation. Like the walls of Constantinople, they seem to have been double. There was an inner wall five metres wide and somewhat higher than the outer wall. The outer wall was but two metres wide, and separated from it by a space of several metres. It was impossible to form an estimate of their height, for at no point where we dug to their foundation, did more than a metre of their base remain. It is uncertain if a moat flowed along their outer edge, yet from the colour and nature of the dirt, it seemed that a trench about two metres wide was once there. The base of the wall was on the desert level; the brickks of the lower courses were plano-convex, laid flatwise in lime.In places along the summit where the walls were preserved to a greater height, there were long bricks marked with three grooves; the walls had been repaired by the makers of those bricks, and in one place above the three grooved bricks, were the square bricks of a later age. It is therefore certain that at least along the north-west side, the same walls protected the city during its entire history. We tried to follow the walls entirely around the city, but it was not possible, for at a distance of fifty metres from the west comer they disappeared. Along the north-east side, where the ruins terminate abruptly, they reappeared, but time did not permit us to investigate them. No traces of them whatever were found on the other two sides, but a more thorough search than we were able to make might reveal them. About forty metres from the west corner we found a city gate, or at least a postern gate, for it was scarcely a metre wide, and in it was a jog or an angle so that one standing without, could not see through into the city. Whether the walls possessed a wider gate is uncertain. As the Christians of some Moslem lands now make the entrances to their churches so small that the enemy may not enter in a body, so probably the people of Adab sought to prevent the enemy from rushing into the city by building their gates narrow and winding. There were, however, indications that this gateway was one of the chief entrances to the city, and that at least one great battle was fought about it. As we began to excavate there, several burned, clay balls appeared on the surface; beneath, the ground was literally filled with them, and before night more than a thousand of the balls were piled by the trench. They were the sling balls which the enemy had hurled against the defenders on the walls, and falling short of their mark, had fallen to the place where we had found them. They were of many shapes and sizes; some of them were no larger than a walnut; others were larger than an orange. They were square, spherical, egg-shaped, and diamond-shaped; most of them were of clay burned to a dark red; a few of them were of white stone. With the sling balls were two semispherical, burned-clay objects, for which I have never been able to account, unless they were a part of some contrivance similar to a catapult for hurling the balls. The larger one, which was hollow, was thirty-six centimetres across its base and twenty-six high. In the top was a round hole eight centimeters in diameter, and on the sides were four rectangular holes six centimetres deep. Two of the holes were vertical; the other two were horizontal.The smaller object of a similar Found with the Sling shape fitted into the hollow base as if to serve as a pivot about which it might revolve.
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Adab
Mar 12, 2009 16:12:45 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 12, 2009 16:12:45 GMT -5
In OIP98 Part One: Excavations at Ishchali, Part Two: Khafajah Mounds B, C, and D. i found another picture which contains clay ammunition
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Adab
Mar 18, 2009 6:28:26 GMT -5
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Mar 18, 2009 6:28:26 GMT -5
Further comments: Replies 5-7: Good overviews here from the wiki and so on and we are able to form the understanding that the city was Sumerian, conquered by the Semities under Sargon, and from they continued a subjected existance until finally being abandoned sometime in the Ur III period. Still even if it survived this long, this equates to the entire Sumerian period, and should be enough for significant record and attestation of the place to develop, enough for the OB scribes to maintain a tradition of the city, one would think? The mention at wiki of "..most notable discoveries were a complete statue in white marble, apparently the earliest yet found in Mesopotamia, now in the museum in Constantinople, bearing the inscription, translated by Banks as "E-mach, King Da-udu, King of, Ud-Nun" seems very interesting. I have asked Mehmet if he knows where a picture of it is. Also, great work finding the CDLI wiki list of Adab tablets on Reply 10: Interesting Widell thinks the citys was undoubtetly "very important" in the Ur III period, and seems to imply the problem with information on Adab is that the text they have recovered, not a great number, have themselves not been sufficiently examined 0_0 Nice presentation of the law text, I wonder if Ummia has seen this one, will have to msg him. On reply 11: Interesting little piece there - the archaic economic texts having to do with troops counts and mustering may sometime prove enlightening on the subject of leagues and what Adab's obligatoins were. We've seen it often owed allegiance to the king of kish, the titular king of kish not the literal of course and the league under his control. On Reply 12: Great post , that must have been alot of work! Well, BIN 8 86 is again very interesting for its recording of troop mustering - and of course TMH 5 85 contains an incredibly important bit of information with the mention of Sargon subdueing Elam. Also wow - they have a Frank 43 tablet Got your on text series!
Still to come... Comments part 3
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Adab
Mar 26, 2009 14:37:38 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 26, 2009 14:37:38 GMT -5
Two objects from Adab, found here: www-news.uchicago.edu/releases/03/oi/photos.htmlHEAD OF A RULER Gypsum, bitumen, blue paste (modern) H. 4 in. (10.16 cm.); W. 2 1/2 in. (6.35 cm.), D. 3 in. (7.62 cm.) Third Dynasty of Ur, ca. 2000-2050 B.C. Iraq, Bismaya Temple; OIM A173 Excavated by the Oriental Institute, 1904. VESSEL WITH RELIEF CARVING AND INLAY Chlorite, limestone or marble H. 4 1/4 in. (10.8 cm.), W. 7 7/8 in. (20 cm.), Diam. 9 1/8 in. (23 cm.) Early Dynastic I, ca. 2800 B.C. Iraq, Bismaya Temple; OIM A195A,B,C Excavated by the Oriental Institute, 1904. Yay, its post 300. Partytime. The musicians are already here (above ) Invisible drinks for everyone.
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Adab
Mar 26, 2009 14:47:37 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 26, 2009 14:47:37 GMT -5
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Adab
Mar 26, 2009 15:42:17 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 26, 2009 15:42:17 GMT -5
My cellphonescreen.
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Adab
Mar 26, 2009 15:44:18 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 26, 2009 15:44:18 GMT -5
An article found here: www.fas.harvard.edu/~semitic/wl/digsites/Mesopotamia/index.htmBismaya 2004 Overview Excavations at Bismaya (ancient Adab), Iraq Karen WilsonThe purpose of this project is to analyze, interpret, and publish the important discoveries made by a University of Chicago expedition in 1903-1905 at the site of Bismaya (ancient Adab) in what is now south-central Iraq (31°54' N, 45°36' E; see attached map). The excavations were first directed by Edgar J. Banks and then, briefly, by Victor S. Persons. Over 1000 artifacts, many of them early cuneiform documents, were sent to Chicago, where they are now housed in the Oriental Institute Museum. The results of the Bismaya excavations were never properly published, and most of the material was never published at all. Banks' relationship with the University of Chicago soured after cessation of the work, and neither he nor Persons ever prepared a scientific presentation of their results. Banks wrote a lively and highly readable popular account, Bismya [sic.], or the Lost City of Adab-a mix of travelogue and archaeological narrative-that appeared in 1912 and included only a small fraction of his finds, with almost no analysis of their original contexts. Most of the material from Bismaya remains unknown, despite the fact that Adab was a major city at the dawn of Mesopotamian history. Banks excavated one of the earliest known Mesopotamian temples and discovered some of the world's first historical royal inscriptions, incised on stone vessels dedicated in that temple beginning as early as 2550 B.C. He also excavated an administrative center, a residential quarter, and what he described as a palace with a library, all of the Akkadian period (ca. 2335-2155 B.C.), a slightly later cemetery and residential area, and portions of the city wall. Since 1912, little attention has been paid to this material, and Bismaya has been largely forgotten. This project will rectify this situation and will result in the complete presentation of this large and significant corpus of unpublished material. The proposed monograph will include analyses of stratigraphy, architecture, sculpture, cylinder seals, metalwork, and pottery, and discussions of chronology, the succession of the first kings of Adab, administrative practices during the third millennium B.C., and methods of artistic and symbolic representation. This "reexcavation" of Bismaya using the weekly reports that both archaeologists sent back to Chicago, Banks' daily field diaries (which are surprisingly detailed given that they date to the infancy of Near Eastern archaeology), and the artifacts housed at the Oriental Institute Museum is of immense value not solely because of the importance of Adab and its early date. In recent years, looters digging in search of antiquities have all-but-destroyed the site. Thus, whatever can be learned about the history of the city and those who lived and ruled there resides in the records and objects now in Chicago.
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Adab
May 19, 2009 20:02:26 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on May 19, 2009 20:02:26 GMT -5
In the book The lost city of Adab i found this inscription of a king of Kish named Barki.The vase fragment was found in a temple mound in Adab. Unfortunatly the book gives not much more information. Interesting is that Barki also has the title of GAR.ENSI of Adab (last line). 1.bar ki 2 lugal kish 3 SAR.É 4 ? mu ? mu 5 ? ? É si 6 GÁR.ÉNSI Adab ki (the ki is not clearly visible here) this is no official transliteration, just mine Edit: i think this is probably an inscription by Mesalim, not Barki, King of Kish.
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Adab
Jul 24, 2009 16:05:23 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Jul 24, 2009 16:05:23 GMT -5
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Adab
Jul 28, 2009 20:08:43 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Jul 28, 2009 20:08:43 GMT -5
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Adab
Dec 21, 2009 14:37:25 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Dec 21, 2009 14:37:25 GMT -5
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Adab
Mar 13, 2010 17:52:21 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Mar 13, 2010 17:52:21 GMT -5
From The Elamite Cylinder Seal Corpus, c.3500 – 1000 BC by K. J. Roach, hdl.handle.net/2123/5352Nmb 2247, found in Susa Lugalidda,great cupbearer of Adab
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Adab
Dec 10, 2010 16:42:48 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Dec 10, 2010 16:42:48 GMT -5
Found in "The seal cylinders of western Asia"by William Hayes Ward Carnegie Institution of Washington 1910 Page 51, Illustration 135b www.etana.org/coretexts/20334.pdfQuote from the book: "The cylinder bears the inscription: Urdumu, Patesi of Udnunki (Adab, modern Bismya)" I´d like to add that in the name Urdumu somehow the DINGIR sign is completly ignored, so it was probably UrAnDumu or UrDingirDumu...or there was a deity Dumu, in that case Urdumu would be correct...
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Adab
Apr 17, 2011 10:39:47 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Apr 17, 2011 10:39:47 GMT -5
A year name by Rim-Sin
mu e2-{d}bara2-ul-e-gar-ra sza3 ud-nun{ki} / adab{ki} ba-du3 u3 alan ku3-sig17 {d}en.zu-i-din-nam lugal larsa{ki}-ma mu-na-an-dim2 Year the temple of Baraulegarra in Adab was built and (Rim-Sin) made a statue in gold representing Sin-iddinam, king of Larsa
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Adab
Apr 25, 2011 8:51:53 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Apr 25, 2011 8:51:53 GMT -5
Samsu-iluna
mu id2-adab{ki} u3 id2-tya-ba-an Year the canal of Adab and Tyaban
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Adab
May 6, 2011 16:44:16 GMT -5
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on May 6, 2011 16:44:16 GMT -5
Have we noticed this volume yet? "Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic Tablets from Adab in the Cornell University Collections" www.eisenbrauns.com/ECOM/_37N11U3XW.HTM According to the description this volume publishes translations of economic text for ED Adab - in the collection of Cornell university. This is different then the text collections we have been waiting to see published from the Oriental Institute - I think.
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Adab
Aug 2, 2011 19:20:27 GMT -5
Post by sheshki on Aug 2, 2011 19:20:27 GMT -5
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