Neo-Assyrian Empire - Exam Summaries
Jan 1, 2019 23:16:22 GMT -5
Post by us4-he2-gal2 on Jan 1, 2019 23:16:22 GMT -5
Hey all -
My comprehensive exams are coming up in 1 1/2 months, they are a requirement of the Ph.D. program I am in here in Toronto. Basically, during the comprehensive exam, which lasts a week or so, I will have to examine and translate numerous Sumerian and Akkadian texts; in addition, I will need to be able to give in depth answers, or short essays, on the Assyrian empire and on Babylonian society. I thought I would share some of my study notes here, since they are good condensed discussion of aspects of Mesopotamian society. In preparation for the exam, I will attempt to internalize, even memorize, these summary documents which I have prepared after doing the essential reading. This information is only the basic argument for what I expect to be potential questions, the core facts - on the exam, I would also attempt to embellish the discussion with supplemental information and other sorts of discussion points.
This first summary section is on the workings of the Neo-Assyrian empire. It represents maybe 1/4 of the total amount of summary material I will have to prepare. The readings are from a course on the Neo-Assyrian empire that Prof. Baker gave in 2016-2017. Rather than assigning a text book, she preferred to really on specialized articles which better suited the weekly topic, often written by Karen Radner, who has done alot of excellent work on Assyrian in the last 20 years.
This first summary section is on the workings of the Neo-Assyrian empire. It represents maybe 1/4 of the total amount of summary material I will have to prepare. The readings are from a course on the Neo-Assyrian empire that Prof. Baker gave in 2016-2017. Rather than assigning a text book, she preferred to really on specialized articles which better suited the weekly topic, often written by Karen Radner, who has done alot of excellent work on Assyrian in the last 20 years.
Historical Sketch: NA
Radner 2004/2014; Frahm 2017; Roaf 1990; Postgate 1992
• Phase 1 – following Mitanni: in the 14th century, following the overthrow of the Mitanni state, Aššur-uballit I and his heirs establish Assyria as a regionally dominant power. Middle Assyria became a territorial state known as ‘the land of Assur’, and claimed equality with the Pharaoh and the Hittites. Three 13th century kings, Adad-nirari, Shalmaneser and Tukulti-Ninurta would claim land in the Habur region and form a border with Hittite territory along the Euphrates.
• Phase 2 – Following the Sea Peoples – Radner 2004: Many states were either lost or reduced in size following the invasion of the ‘Sea Peoples’. Assyria was not directly targeted by these invasions, but nonetheless was reduced in size by the late 10th century, one reason being the incursions of Aramaean tribes who set about establishing minor kingdoms in Northern Mesopotamian. Taking advantage of the political turmoil in the Levant, Assyria would reclaim its lost territories by the late 10th century, following campaigns by Assur-dan II and Adad-nirari II; by the mid-9th century it would become quite larger than other states at the time and would become the regional hegemon. In fact, some scholars take these feats to mark the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian period proper (Frahm 2017).
• Phase 3 – Proto-Imperial stage, the yoke of Assur – Roaf 1990/Postgate 1992: attested as early as the 12th century Tiglith-Pileser I, Assyrian kings regularly imposed tribute on ‘vassal states’ which bore the ‘yoke of Assur’ demanding payments of precious metals, animals and other goods. Although these arrangements may be accompanied with oaths sworn to Aššur, they were nonetheless secular agreements between two kings, and breaking them (failing to pay) was considered to be a political statement. In the early 9th century Assyria experienced a military resurgence. This resulted from the successive campaigns of Adad-nirari II and his son Tukulti-Ninurta II which exacted tribute from lands stretching from Babylon to the Habur. Tukulti-Ninurta II’s son, Assurnasirpal II, extended the lands paying tribute to the Assyrians all the way to the Mediterranean; he consolidated his success by moving the Assyrian capital to Kalhu, and building the Northwest Palace there; the iconography lining its walls was meant to send a message to tribute bearers. Imperial stage - Radner 2014: during the second half of the 9th century, under Shalmaneser III, the first period of imperial consolidation occurred. This involved replacing the local dynasties of subjugated states with Assyrian governors, thus forming provinces.
Imperial Phase
Radner 2003, 2014
•
Beginning with the reign of the mid 9th century Shalmaneser III, a period of imperial consolidation occurred; this involved the abolishment of local dynasties in the provinces that Assyria had acquired, replacing them with appointed governors. These governors were usually members of the old families from Assur.
• Although there is no Assyrian word for ‘government’ the governors carried out state business for the king. Each governor was given an imperial seal which enabled them to issue commands on the king’s behalf. The governors resided in palaces maintained in all provincial centers called ekallu; the province would also receive enhancements connecting it to the imperial information network, and enhancing its agriculture.
• The Assyrian governors utilized the commercial traditions of the merchant houses to establish a bureaucratic organization for new provinces.
• In addition to taking loyalty oaths, many governors were, from the 9th on, also eunuchs, reinforcing their patronage to the royal family and removing the possibility of rival dynasties.
• Governors also had military responsibilities such as supplying rations for military purposes and even mounting campaigns, in some cases. This power saw its high point during the early 8th century, when governors, following a weak monarch, usurped royal power and founded cities in their own name.
• Although there is no Assyrian word for ‘government’ the governors carried out state business for the king. Each governor was given an imperial seal which enabled them to issue commands on the king’s behalf. The governors resided in palaces maintained in all provincial centers called ekallu; the province would also receive enhancements connecting it to the imperial information network, and enhancing its agriculture.
• The Assyrian governors utilized the commercial traditions of the merchant houses to establish a bureaucratic organization for new provinces.
• In addition to taking loyalty oaths, many governors were, from the 9th on, also eunuchs, reinforcing their patronage to the royal family and removing the possibility of rival dynasties.
• Governors also had military responsibilities such as supplying rations for military purposes and even mounting campaigns, in some cases. This power saw its high point during the early 8th century, when governors, following a weak monarch, usurped royal power and founded cities in their own name.
The King
Frame 2013/Radner 2010
•
The Assyrian king was deemed to be the earthly representative of the god Aššur, charged with executing the will of the gods and with the expansion of the empire. In a sort of ‘political theology’ the royal and divine spheres drew inspiration from each other, and the temple and palace shared much in common in terms of function and architecture. The ideological connections between the Assyrian king and the sun gods as well as the stars were discussed in Frahm 2013.
• In one Neo-Assyrian literary composition concerning the creation of man, the text makes it clear that the king was specially created by Ea, crafted perfectly and separately from the rest of man to function as ‘the counsellor to man’. From the period of the Sargonid kings on, the Assyrian king was further likened to the mythical sages.
• The three perquisites of kingship were: i) descent from the male line of a specific family; ii) divine legitimation; iii) ability, as demonstrated during his time as crown prince. The crown prince had to be male and descended from the male side of the family, able to trace heredity back to the early kings of Assyria (as recorded for example in the Assyrian King list). As a result, the line of male kings from this family stretched more than 1,000 years successively.
• In one Neo-Assyrian literary composition concerning the creation of man, the text makes it clear that the king was specially created by Ea, crafted perfectly and separately from the rest of man to function as ‘the counsellor to man’. From the period of the Sargonid kings on, the Assyrian king was further likened to the mythical sages.
• The three perquisites of kingship were: i) descent from the male line of a specific family; ii) divine legitimation; iii) ability, as demonstrated during his time as crown prince. The crown prince had to be male and descended from the male side of the family, able to trace heredity back to the early kings of Assyria (as recorded for example in the Assyrian King list). As a result, the line of male kings from this family stretched more than 1,000 years successively.
The Image of the King
Radner 2010
•
The king represents himself as the strong king, king of Assyria, the shepherd who loves justice.
• In art, and in reality, the king was easily recognizable due to his special costume, particularly, his fez-like hat; he alone moved under an umbrella and sat with a footstool.
• From the Middle Assyrian period on, foreign kings could be depicted as equals or ‘brothers’ of the Assyrian king; this is also the case in the throne pedestal of the mid-9th century king Shalmaneser III, who in the scene meets the king of Babylonian on equal footing.
• Despite this, most royal epithets and official descriptions depict the Assyrian king as the ‘king of the universe without rival’ and praise his unique heroics and achievements.
• In art, and in reality, the king was easily recognizable due to his special costume, particularly, his fez-like hat; he alone moved under an umbrella and sat with a footstool.
• From the Middle Assyrian period on, foreign kings could be depicted as equals or ‘brothers’ of the Assyrian king; this is also the case in the throne pedestal of the mid-9th century king Shalmaneser III, who in the scene meets the king of Babylonian on equal footing.
• Despite this, most royal epithets and official descriptions depict the Assyrian king as the ‘king of the universe without rival’ and praise his unique heroics and achievements.
Family of the King
Radner 2010/Zamzalova 2011
•
Dynastic intermarriage: The Assyrian kings secured treaties in the traditional way by marrying off their daughters to foreign rulers.
• The crown prince: the crown prince resided in the ‘house of succession’ and was actively involved in the affairs of state, as we know from the correspondence of the Sargonid crown princes in which the crown prince would address the king formally ‘To the king, my lord: your servant X…’
• The education of the crown prince was meant to prepare him for the throne and may include practical as well as scholarly training. Assurbanipal is the best case study here as he is one of few rulers to refer specifically to his educational training. In particular, Assurbanipal’s inscription L discusses how he developed both ‘received wisdom’ (imparted by the gods) and ‘acquired knowledge’ (which he developed himself). However, analysis of the correspondence of this king indicates that his mastery of scribal lore was moderate at best.
• Succession: the crown prince had to be selected from among his brothers by the king, for example, Esarhaddon records that his father elevated him from the assembly of his brothers. To try and avoid competition for other male members of the family eligible for the throne, the king would appoint his successor during his lifetime and may rely on succession treaty documents as well.
• The crown prince: the crown prince resided in the ‘house of succession’ and was actively involved in the affairs of state, as we know from the correspondence of the Sargonid crown princes in which the crown prince would address the king formally ‘To the king, my lord: your servant X…’
• The education of the crown prince was meant to prepare him for the throne and may include practical as well as scholarly training. Assurbanipal is the best case study here as he is one of few rulers to refer specifically to his educational training. In particular, Assurbanipal’s inscription L discusses how he developed both ‘received wisdom’ (imparted by the gods) and ‘acquired knowledge’ (which he developed himself). However, analysis of the correspondence of this king indicates that his mastery of scribal lore was moderate at best.
• Succession: the crown prince had to be selected from among his brothers by the king, for example, Esarhaddon records that his father elevated him from the assembly of his brothers. To try and avoid competition for other male members of the family eligible for the throne, the king would appoint his successor during his lifetime and may rely on succession treaty documents as well.
The Queen and Palace Women
Barjamovic 2011; Radner 2011
•
Though the king may have numerous consorts, the Assyrian queen was typically the mother of the crown prince, who she may take an active role in promoting. In a rather exceptional circumstance, Shamash-Adad V died and his queen, Sammuramat, ruled Assyria for five years until her son came of age. The function and activity of the queen are fairly opaque in most periods excepting the Sargonid period where the correspondence of Esarhaddon gives some details of his wife Ešarra-hammat, who died early but backed her son as a ghost (featuring in a dream of crown prince Aššurbanipal).
• Following the 8th century usurping of power by the provincial governors, Sargonid kings pursued a policy of empowering the royal court; this included placing a standing army in control of both the queen and the crown prince.
• While the king may be married to only one woman, the queen, it is clear especially in Neo-Assyrian contexts that he may have a number of consorts, the sekretu whose name derives from the verb sekērum ‘to be closed off’. Quite little is known about these women apart from what ration lists tell us, it can be inferred that they were for the most part secluded in their residence called ‘the House of the Women’. Barjamovic 2011 suggests that there is evidence from the Northwest palace that textile production, poetry and music were part of the activities in the women’s house. A large number of female servants tended to the needs of the women’s house, and the Middle Assyrian palace edicts report that male royal servants had to be Eunuchs to enter the women’s house.
• Following the 8th century usurping of power by the provincial governors, Sargonid kings pursued a policy of empowering the royal court; this included placing a standing army in control of both the queen and the crown prince.
• While the king may be married to only one woman, the queen, it is clear especially in Neo-Assyrian contexts that he may have a number of consorts, the sekretu whose name derives from the verb sekērum ‘to be closed off’. Quite little is known about these women apart from what ration lists tell us, it can be inferred that they were for the most part secluded in their residence called ‘the House of the Women’. Barjamovic 2011 suggests that there is evidence from the Northwest palace that textile production, poetry and music were part of the activities in the women’s house. A large number of female servants tended to the needs of the women’s house, and the Middle Assyrian palace edicts report that male royal servants had to be Eunuchs to enter the women’s house.
The Royal Court
Barjamovic 2011; Radner 2011
•
Below the king, queen and crown prince stood a group of royal court functionaries knowns as the magnates (rabiu), such as the chief eunuch, chief cupbearer and the palace herald. Below the magnates, administrative documents and wine inventories show that the number of persons involved in the royal court was very large, in the thousands – this seems feasible only when one considers that the number of persons said to be associated with the Persian royal court was said to be 15,000. The term magnates encompasses not only the high court officials but the provincial governors as well; altogether, their number was about 120.
• From the early 9th century on, magnates were appointed on the basis or merit rather than noble birth. Many of the magnates were Eunuchs, some giving up their families and taking up a new name (having no family of their own, their loyalty was entirely to the king).
• Another important group at the Royal Court were the ummânū, the scholars, such as the diviner, exorcist and astrologer. These were divided into an inner circle (some 17 regular royal correspondents to the king, significantly more during the reigns of the Sargonid kings) and an outer circle. The king relied on the inner circle to divine and interpret divine will; the importance of these scholars is indicated by that their names were (in some cases) recorded in the king list along with that of the king.
• While there is ample evidence from royal inscriptions and archival texts for the existence of scholars in earlier periods, the best documentation for their court function comes from the correspondence of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Unlike magnates, scholars were generally not Eunuchs; in contrast with the magnates, scholars took pride in their family connections and mentioned them often (tracing their linage back to great royal scribes and sages in many cases).
• Unlike the magnates, the scholars did not belong to the high echelons of the court, but relied on the patronage of the king. This inferior footing is reflected in the placatory way in which scholars addressed the king, with abundant blessings etc.
• From the early 9th century on, magnates were appointed on the basis or merit rather than noble birth. Many of the magnates were Eunuchs, some giving up their families and taking up a new name (having no family of their own, their loyalty was entirely to the king).
• Another important group at the Royal Court were the ummânū, the scholars, such as the diviner, exorcist and astrologer. These were divided into an inner circle (some 17 regular royal correspondents to the king, significantly more during the reigns of the Sargonid kings) and an outer circle. The king relied on the inner circle to divine and interpret divine will; the importance of these scholars is indicated by that their names were (in some cases) recorded in the king list along with that of the king.
• While there is ample evidence from royal inscriptions and archival texts for the existence of scholars in earlier periods, the best documentation for their court function comes from the correspondence of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Unlike magnates, scholars were generally not Eunuchs; in contrast with the magnates, scholars took pride in their family connections and mentioned them often (tracing their linage back to great royal scribes and sages in many cases).
• Unlike the magnates, the scholars did not belong to the high echelons of the court, but relied on the patronage of the king. This inferior footing is reflected in the placatory way in which scholars addressed the king, with abundant blessings etc.
Law
Radner 2005
•
In addition to indications from letters and inscriptions, there are about 100 documents from the Neo-Assyrian period relating to court cases. Unlike in Babylon, the Assyrian documentation shows no attestation of an official title judge, apart for in literary contexts. Instead, all high officials could potentially act as judges, and the king was the supreme judge. From letters in which one official rejects a case and passes it to another sort of official, it can be deduced that there would have been clear jurisdictional guidelines at the time, however we are unable to clarify them at present. The case could be appealed, by letter or in person, directly to the king – often this was over life and death matters, but could have to do with trivial matters as well.
• While the state would seek to prosecute for any perceived injustices committed against it, should a private citizen suffer an injustice he was responsible for bringing a lawsuit against the accused party; alternatively, especially in the case of murder, he could seek revenge personally, the right to ‘blood vengeance’.
• Unlike Babylonia, where a designated courthouse did exist, there is no specific place where court was held in Assyria: it could be held anywhere that the officials acting as judges were active.
• Court procedure: it was the duty of the defendant to produces the plaintiff; there were no lawyers, both parties spoke for themselves. Witnesses could be called, and judges could require that the parties swear an oath or be subjected to an ordeal. The case was closed when the judge made a decision, a legal document was drawn up only in cases where a decision could not be finalized.
• Penalties: the court case documents assign strictly financial penalties to crimes ranging from theft to homicide, the defendants in all of these cases are private citizens. The intent seems to have been to punish the offender while compensating the victim at the same time. However, when the crimes are against the state, physical and capital punishments are known to have been sentenced. This division of punishment is apparent in later civil code and criminal code systems.
• While the state would seek to prosecute for any perceived injustices committed against it, should a private citizen suffer an injustice he was responsible for bringing a lawsuit against the accused party; alternatively, especially in the case of murder, he could seek revenge personally, the right to ‘blood vengeance’.
• Unlike Babylonia, where a designated courthouse did exist, there is no specific place where court was held in Assyria: it could be held anywhere that the officials acting as judges were active.
• Court procedure: it was the duty of the defendant to produces the plaintiff; there were no lawyers, both parties spoke for themselves. Witnesses could be called, and judges could require that the parties swear an oath or be subjected to an ordeal. The case was closed when the judge made a decision, a legal document was drawn up only in cases where a decision could not be finalized.
• Penalties: the court case documents assign strictly financial penalties to crimes ranging from theft to homicide, the defendants in all of these cases are private citizens. The intent seems to have been to punish the offender while compensating the victim at the same time. However, when the crimes are against the state, physical and capital punishments are known to have been sentenced. This division of punishment is apparent in later civil code and criminal code systems.
The Economy
Radner 2014; Radner 1999; Postgate 1979
•
At the height of the Neo-Assyrian empire, the state controlled the largest economy of its time. Our sources come from royal inscriptions, letters, and archives, from legal texts and archaeological data and inform us about the palace sector economy, city and village economy, state labor, etc.
• The wealth of the empire depending on taxes and labor which the governors were uniformly and regularly expected to provide. Some provinces were especially valuable to the economy because of the trading opportunities they provided, such as the provinces in Median territory which were referred to as “the house of trade.”
• Postgate 1979 isolates three major sources for the Assyrian economy a) corn-growing land. This staple crop was of great importance at all times, while at early stages a crop failure could be consequential to the empire, eventually enough land was conquered that a shortfall could be made up from corn lands elsewhere; b) coastal commerce. Following Assyria’s acquisition of Levantine provinces it directly controlled Mediterranean commerce. There is no indication of how much it profited from those this situation, but it must have been substantial. This also allowed for the improved acquisition of elite goods for the palace; c) the Taurus mountains. Acquisition of regions along the Taurus mountain range likely improved the empire’s access to precious metals and possible even some iron ore, although we have little data on this.
• The tamkāru ‘royal merchant’ was also important for the Assyrian economy. This profession was given quasi diplomatic status and was, among other activities, to travel and collect tribute for the king, which entails close cooperation with the military. Radner 1999 even goes so far as to compare the tamkāru with such figures as Christopher Columbus and Francis Drake, at least, they had in common being charged with military and diplomatic objectives, travelling and discoveries new routes in order to procure slaves, metals and luxury goods for the then ruler of the world. Tamkāru merchants were also known to lend huge sums to the king for his building projects, as is well documented in a letter from a merchant to the Sargon II, who bluntly reminds him of his debt due.
• Information to a class of private merchants, the bēl harrāni is much more limited, mainly a group of 100 documents originating in Assur. The documents refer to the ‘voyage of so and so’ making it clear that the commodities itemized relate to some sort of trading venture. Sums of money are set aside for donkeys and for boats. The overall picture of independent traders is still quite insufficient in this period however.
• The wealth of the empire depending on taxes and labor which the governors were uniformly and regularly expected to provide. Some provinces were especially valuable to the economy because of the trading opportunities they provided, such as the provinces in Median territory which were referred to as “the house of trade.”
• Postgate 1979 isolates three major sources for the Assyrian economy a) corn-growing land. This staple crop was of great importance at all times, while at early stages a crop failure could be consequential to the empire, eventually enough land was conquered that a shortfall could be made up from corn lands elsewhere; b) coastal commerce. Following Assyria’s acquisition of Levantine provinces it directly controlled Mediterranean commerce. There is no indication of how much it profited from those this situation, but it must have been substantial. This also allowed for the improved acquisition of elite goods for the palace; c) the Taurus mountains. Acquisition of regions along the Taurus mountain range likely improved the empire’s access to precious metals and possible even some iron ore, although we have little data on this.
• The tamkāru ‘royal merchant’ was also important for the Assyrian economy. This profession was given quasi diplomatic status and was, among other activities, to travel and collect tribute for the king, which entails close cooperation with the military. Radner 1999 even goes so far as to compare the tamkāru with such figures as Christopher Columbus and Francis Drake, at least, they had in common being charged with military and diplomatic objectives, travelling and discoveries new routes in order to procure slaves, metals and luxury goods for the then ruler of the world. Tamkāru merchants were also known to lend huge sums to the king for his building projects, as is well documented in a letter from a merchant to the Sargon II, who bluntly reminds him of his debt due.
• Information to a class of private merchants, the bēl harrāni is much more limited, mainly a group of 100 documents originating in Assur. The documents refer to the ‘voyage of so and so’ making it clear that the commodities itemized relate to some sort of trading venture. Sums of money are set aside for donkeys and for boats. The overall picture of independent traders is still quite insufficient in this period however.
